Regimental Accounts of the Battle of Waterloo, June 18 th 1815

History of the Thirty-Third Foot, Duke of Wellington's (West Riding) Regiment

By Albert Lee

Commencing page 234

The 33 rd were in Sir Colin Halkett’s 5 th Brigade, as before. This Brigade was composed of the 2 nd battalion 30 th, the 33 rd, 2 nd battalion 69 th, and the 2 nd battalion of the 73 rd British regiments. The Brigade was on the right centre of the army, having Maitland’s Guards to the right, and Kielmansegge’s Hanoverian Brigade to the left. The Brigade was divided when it had left its bivouac and crossed the Brussels road to the position assigned. The 73 rd and 30 th formed contiguous columns of companies at quarter distance, the former right and the latter left in front. The 33 rd and 69 th also formed in contiguous columns of companies at quarter distance in second line to the right of the 73 rd and 30 th, they being at an immediate distance to the rear of from eighty to a hundred paces intersected by the Wavre road, each Brigade preserving its relative interval, so as to deploy into line, in case of simultaneous advance. The position of the 33 rd was on slightly elevated ground, near to La Haye Sainte, where, as Napoleon said later, it was his intention “to direct two divisions of the First Corps and two of the Sixth, supported by 129 pieces of cannon ….. while the two remaining divisions of the 6 th Corps should advance against La Haye.”

It was evident from what followed the Napoleon’s plan was to capture Hougoumont, and gain La Haye Sainte, thus piercing the centre of the English army. He did not anticipate such an obstinate resistance as was met with at these points. …..

Simultaneously with the attack on Hougoumont a vigorous effort had been made against Wellington’s right front. The rest of Jerome Bonaparte’s division, lancers and cuirassiers, being sent forward, supported by close columns of infantry ready to deploy into line when the desired impression should have been made, the advance took place under cover of the tirailleurs and a furious cannonade.

Wellington formed his infantry into squares, and these, to avoid the destructive fire, lay down until the cavalry made their charges, when they repulsed the enemy in dire confusion. The French, thus held back, Wellington was enabled to pour reinforcements into Hougoumont, where the Guards were assailed by ten times their number.

Failing here, Napoleon turned to Wellington’s centre and left wing. What he fruitlessly attempted at Hougoumont he now essayed at La Haye Sainte, on which he threw four columns of infantry and Kellerman’s cavalry. This brought the 33 rd into some of the heaviest fighting of the day. La Haye Sainte was held by the Hanoverians, who drove back the French infantry again and again, while the cavalry swept on and were met by Halkett’s Brigade who stood on the defensive, and beat the enemy back with heavy loss. The idea of these cavalry attacks was to prevent the place from being supported while the infantry were effecting its capture, dealing only with now-isolated Hanoverians. But the stand was heroic as at Hougoumont, and not until the Hanoverians had exhausted their ammunition was La Haye Saite captured. The Hanoverians had fought until they were literally exterminated. [Footnote: It was impossible for the Hanoverians to replenish the supply of ammunition since access could not be gained to the defenders. For this no provision had been made – a door had not been made in the north wall.]

Creasy says of this crisis of the battle that “on no point of the British line was the pressure more severe than on Halkett’s Brigade in the right centre.” The magnificent stand here against the French cavalry served to hold back the enemy at the centre. The 33 rd were again and again assailed by the French light troops who were set at liberty when La Haye Sainte was captured, for these continually debouched from the farm. There was yet sterner work in store. When not fighting, the 33 rd and the other battalions in the Brigade were exposed to the fire of the French artillery, and Halkett, to save his men as much as possible, ordered his men to lie down, allowing the shot to pass over them. ………..

………..

The crisis of Waterloo was approaching, and on either side the losses had been enormous. But there was to come the most fearful experience of the day, and the full force of it was to be felt by those in Wellington’s line between Hougoumont and La Haye Sainte – the British right centre, where the 33 rd were. What was going on in the French line no one could tell; yet there was the presentiment that there was something which would prove decisive – a supreme effort on Napoleon’s part, where success meant victory, where failure meant disaster.

At length a movement where Napoleon was, became discernable. Even above the din of battle rose the cry of the Old Guard, “Vive l’Empereur!” and the advance began. But Wellington prepared for it, and knowing the need of the line in the rear of La Haye Sainte, he ordered Maitland’s Brigade to take up a position there, while himself, with Napier’s Battery, moved away to Maitland’s right.

Halkett understood the meaning of the movement of the Old Guard. The 73 rd, which had taken its position with a full staff of officers, was [by then] so reduced as to be commanded by a junior lieutenant. The 69 th, which had suffered so terribly from French sabres at Quatre Bras, had endured grievous casualties. The 30 th had likewise come in for its full share in loss of officers and men; and the 33 rd had by this time been reduced [by] more than one-third. Halkett’s orders were, [for] each regiment [of his brigade] to form “four deep, right wing in front,” and the general himself went to the centre of his brigade, where he gave the order to advance. The movement was designed to meet the desperate charge of Donzelot, who was coming out from La Haye Sainte, bringing field pieces with him. When the two bodies of soldiers were within a hundred paces of each other, Donzelot fired grape from these guns right into the midst of Halkett’s Brigade.

Men fell rapidly, Halkett among them, shot through the cheeks. Lieutenants Buck and Cameron, of the 33 rd, the latter carrying the regimental colours, were killed. The 33 rd suffered heavily. Lieutenants Bain, Meikland, Westmore, and Ogle were shot down, Lieutenant Haigh was shot through the neck, and died the next day, Adjutant Thain was also killed, while Captains McIntyre and Harsty were wounded, besides thirty to forty of the rank and file. As Halkett was carried to the rear, Colonel Elphinstone [of the 33 rd] took command, and led the brigade on, in spite of the fire of grape; but suddenly the enemy’s fire relaxed, then ceased, and “when the smoke had disappeared, not a man was to be seen except those who were retreating in great disorder and consternation.” The explanation of Donzelot’s retreat is not satisfactorily forthcoming, but may be attributed to what transpired on the advance of the Old Guard.

Maitland’s Brigade were lying down under cover behind the crest of the hill, waiting for the word which was to surprise Napoleon’s Guard. They were 4,000 strong, forming at first one column, some 70 men in width. “The front battalions headed for a point a little west of the present monument, while for some unexplained reason the rear portion diverged to the left, and breasted the slope later than the others and nearer Hougoumont. Flanked by light guns that opened a brisk fire, and most gallantly supported by Donzelot’s division close to their right, the leading column struggled on, despite the grape and canister which poured from the batteries of Bolton and Bean, making it wave ‘like corn blown by the wind.’” But while they wavered for a brief space in such a furious storm of shot, they moved on at Ney’s call, mounted the slope, unconscious of the British Guard in waiting over the crest. It seemed to them that when they mounted so far they would see the Allies’ army in retreat, for beyond that awful fire which assailed them there was no sign of anything in front. They had but to move onward, and the day was theirs.

When they reached the crest they were appalled. Maitland’s men at Wellington’s word, “Stand up Guard, and make ready!” sprang into sight within sixty paces. Their volleys followed, laying brave French Guardsmen low by hundreds; then, before they could recover from their surprise, Maitland’s brigade charged with loud “hurrahs”. Their onrush was irresistible. The [French] Guard turned and fled in fearful confusion, and but for the recall of Maitland’s men, might well have been annihilated. They were brought back because the second column of Imperial Guard was approaching, hard by the eastern wall of Hougoumont, but making for the same crest where the first column had been so disastrously beaten back.

If anything, they were assailed more terribly than those who had gone before. Adam’s Brigade was formed on their left flank, and poured in a destructive fire, while in front of them Maitland’s men were firing volley after volley at the same time with the heaviest possible cannonade from the batteries. To move on under such conditions was impossible, even for such veterans. Then, to crown it all, Colborne, with the 52 nd [Oxford] Light infantry, charged the left flank of the Old Guard. It was this charge with bayonets and the devastating fire which broke them up, and they fled in wild confusion, getting among Donzelot’s infantry. The thought that the Old Guard were routed made these waver, and when Adam’s brigade came up with their bayonets, and swept in among them, they fell back in panic.

Wellington now determined no longer to stand on the defensive, lest Napoleon should bring up his reserve battalions from La Belle Alliance. The generals were ordered to concentrate their brigades, each regiment to be formed four deep, right wind in front on a collateral line, preserving their relative intervals. The 33 rd, in this disposition, had Maitland’s brigade on their immediate right. The immediate ground between them and Byng’s Guards was occupied by Lord Hill’s Light Brigade, namely six companies of the 95 th Rifles, and the 52 nd and 71 st Regiments.

The flight of the Old Guard opened out a road for the advance, and the Duke’s army moved forward rapidly. But napoleon did not wait. His army began a retreat which “became a route that surged wildly around the last squares of the Guard.” …….

“Notes: The loss of the Allies at Waterloo was immense. Allison, in his “History of Europe” says that that of the British and Hanoverians alone amounted to 10,686, of whom 2,047 were killed, exclusive of the Prussians, who had lost 6,000 more. The Prussians lost on the 16 th and 18 th, including the action at Wavre, on the latter of these days, 33,132. of the French army’s loss it is difficult to speak decisively. At least it has been put down at 40,000, but in any effect the army was totally destroyed, and scarcely any of the men who fought at Waterloo ever appeared in arms again.

The effective strength of Sir Colin Halkett’s brigade on entering the field of Quatre Bras on the 16 th June 1815, was as follows:

2 nd Batt. 30 th Regiment - Lieut.-Colonel Hamilton 615

33 rd Regiment Lieut.-Colonel W. Elphinstone 561

2 nd Batt. 69 th Regiment Col. C. Morrice 516

2 nd Batt. 73 rd Regiment Col. G. Harris 562

Total 2,254

Casualties at Quatre Bras

Killed Wounded Unhurt

Officers: 30 th Regiment 36 7 13 16

33 rd Regiment 36 7 15 14

69 th Regiment 29 5 8 16

73 rd Regiment 27 6 16 5

Casualties of rank and file, including non-com. Officers, drummers, and those missing:

Quatre Bras 304

Waterloo 679

Total 983

Add the officers killed and wounded, 77, the total casualties were 1,060, not far from half the whole brigade.

The 33 rd lost Lieutenants H.R. Buck, James Hart, Thomas Haigh, and John Cameron, one sergeant, and 33 rank and file killed; Captains C. Knight, Harty, Lieutenants Read, S. Pagan, R. Westmore; Ensigns William Bain, George Drury; Ensign and Adjutant W. Thain; 8 sergeants and 84 rank and file wounded; 4 drummers and 48 rank and file missing. Its heavy list of missing was unequalled by that of any other infantry regiment in the action, and was only approached by its companion regiment, the 73 rd, which had 41.”

Also included in this accounting is a letter written by Ensign James Arnot Howard, of the 33 rd, immediately after the battle, or as immediately as circumstances allowed, from which here are some selected relevant extracts:

“In the Bivouac Close to the Gates of Paris July 8, 1815.

……… Most likely my name has by this time appeared in the “Gazette” among the wounded on the 16 th. This, I am happy to say was but slight. … “

Of the action on the 18 th, Ensign Howard wrote:

“Our brigade and Regiment was in the centre, and during this time was exposed to nothing more than cannon shot which frequently missed us. Towards the latter part of the day the enemy made a most desperate and furious attack on our centre. Here we had our share of bloody work. I shall never forget the scene and carnage; really the French cavalry (who behaved admirably) charged so repeatedly and so furiously that we could scarcely send out wounded officers to the rear, and much less the men : just this moment pointed out to me the meaning of being warmly engaged. Our Brigade and a Brigade of Guards were the only soldiers we could see, and we were so much reduced that I thought that things were going badly, and we made up our minds to send our colours to the rear; still determined to stay while we had a man left. Here we were – could just maintain out ground, when to our delight came up lots of reinforcements. ………”

I have often expressed a wish to see a general engagement. I have – and am perfectly satisfied. I should never have forgiven myself if I had not been in the action of the 18 th in consequence of my wound. Thank God I am safe. I had a very narrow escape that day; a ball passed through my cap and must have been within the eighth of an inch of my head. I intend bringing the cap to England. …….”

[History of the Thirty-Third Foot, Duke of Wellington's (West Riding) Regiment

By Albert Lee; pp. 234 – 248]

Thus concludes the narrative concerning the adventures of the 33 rd Regiment at the Battle of Waterloo, it is now time to turn our attention to those of the 51 st. The concerns of the 51 st begin some time before the action of the 18 th June, and are here reported in full until such time as it becomes necessary to edit them to some degree.

Regimental History of the 51 st Regiment of Foot

by

WYLLY Colonel H C and BOND Lt Colonel Reginald C

History of the King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry. To 1918.

London: Lund Humphries, (1926-1929). 3 volumes;

Volume 1. (51st from 1775 to 1881). viii and 374 pages; 6 plates (3 colour), 8 folding maps, 3 contemporary plans of Minden in an end pocket, commencing at page 282.

“Thus on the 27 th December, 1814, a circular in the following terms had been issued from the Horse Guards [Horse Guards was the Head Quarters of the British army RGH], signed, by a curious coincidence, “R. Darling, D.A.G.,” and which is worded as follows:

“I have the honour to acquaint you that the Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to command that Regiments of the Light Infantry shall in future wear on their Capp, a Bugle Horn, with the number of the Regiment below it, instead of the Brass Plate now in use, and I am to request you will give directions that this Regulation may be carried into effect in the 51 st Regiment.”

It will be remembered that at the last inspection of the Regiment of which there is any record, that [was] held at Moimento in January, 1813, the Inspecting Officer stated in his report that the 51 st “has no colours in this country,” but it would seem that steps must early have been made for the replacement of the Colours destroyed by Colonel Mainwaring’s orders at Fuentes d’Onor – indeed it seems possible that the new Colours were awaiting the Regiment on its arrival in England. Thus, when on the 10 th October, 1814, it was inspected by Major-General Sir W. Howard, then Lieut.- Governor of Portsmouth, he reported, “Colours in conformity to the King’s Regulations,” and added “Brevet-Major Keyt has had command about a month, all the Field Officers being absent on leave.”

With the opening of the year 1815 the peace of the garrison life at Portsmouth was hurriedly dispelled. On the 26 th February Napoleon escaped from Elba and landed three days later in France, where he speedily gathered round him many of his old adherents, while is former soldiers deserted the new government and placed themselves solidly at his disposal. …..

How the news of the outbreak of war reached the 51 st is told by Mainwaring: “One morning in March,” he writes, “I was seated with two or three others at breakfast in the mess-room; the Bugle-Major came in with the letters and as usual laid the newspaper upon the mess-table. Someone opened it, and glancing his eyes carelessly and coldly for a few moments over its contents, when suddenly his countenance brightened up, and flinging the newspaper into the air like a madman, he shouted out: “Glorious news, glorious news! Nap’s landed again in France! Hurrah!” in an instant we were all wild – ‘Nap’s in France again’ spread like wildfire through the barracks – the men turned out and cheered – nay, that night at mess, the moment the cloth was removed, the President rose and drank success to old Nap with three times three – our joy was unbounded, and few, I believe, went to bed that night sober.”

[That the news of Napoleon’s escape from Elba was greeted with such joy by the officers and men of the 51 st, and undoubtedly by many other regiments also, must be viewed in context. It should be remembered that for many of them, they had grown used to the adventure of war, to its privations, to its action, to its glory, and the ‘peace’ had brought with it only the humdrum life of garrison routine, which after the Peninsular, was quite simply, an anathema. RGH]

“It was on the 23 rd March that the Regiment embarked at Portsmouth and sailed for the Downs, where transports seem to have assembled and where also, as was almost invariably the case, the troops were kept on board for some days before the voyage was resumed. The headquarters of the Regiment was accommodated on board the Nymphe and the monthly return for March, dated the 25 th from on board this ship, gives us some interesting particulars about the state of the Regiment now proceeding so soon again on active service.

The strength of the 51 st Light Infantry on this date is given as forty-five officers, forty-three sergeants, eighteen drummers, twenty-nine corporals and 521 privates. The following officers embarked with the Regiment: Colonel Mitchell, Major and Bt. Lieut.-Colonel Rice, Captains Keyt, Campbell, Thwaites, Storer, Phelps, James Ross, John Ross, Beardsley and Frederick; Lieutenants Brook, Hawley, Minchin, Mahon, Hare, Ainsworth, Read, Kennedy, Dyas, Flamank, Elliott, Simpson, Mainwaring, Tyndall, Martin, Roberts, Isaacson, Taylor, Howard, and Linott; Ensigns St. John, Percy, Krause, Johnston, Walton, Frazer, Balir and Lock; Paymaster Gibbs, Adjutant Jones, Quartermaster Askey, Surgeon Webster and Assistant Surgeons Clarke and Fitzpatrick.

The following remained at the Depot: Captain Smellie, Lieutenants Bayley, Varden, and Galbraith, with nine sergeants, two drummers, twelve corporals and forty-six privates.

Lieutenant Maitland was serving on the staff as military secretary at Malta, where Lieut.-General Maitland – presumably some relation – was then Governor; and Major and Bt. Lieut.-Colonel Roberts and Captain Kelly were absent on leave, the latter by reasons of ill health, to the 24 th April. The Colonel, General Morshead, is also shown as “on leave.”

There were remaining sick at home four sergeants, one drummer, three corporals and thirty-six privates, and eight privates were absent without leave; the numbers in each rank required to complete establishment were thirteen sergeants, three drummers, sixteen corporals and ninety-nine privates.

[Of the numerated privates, 132 are listed as being Irish, 7 Scottish, and 1 foreigner. RGH]

While the 51 st Light Infantry was actually proceeding to a new theatre of war, the following award was made to them and to other regiments in recognition of their services in the campaign recently concluded:-

“Most humbly submitted to His Royal Highness The Prince Regent.

“That the Regiments named in the margin be permitted to bear on their Colours and Appointments, in addition to any other Badges or Devices that may have heretofore been granted to those Regiments, the word “Peninsula” in commemoration of their services during the late War in Portugal, Spain, and France under Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington.

“In the Name and on Behalf of His Majesty.

“Approved.

“Horse Guards

“George P.R.

“29 th March, 1815 .”

The 51 st is named with the other regiments concerned in the margin of this order, which was communicated on the 6 th April.

[This document and the date of it are important, especially to those people who either re-enact scenes from the Napoleonic Wars, or by those who indulge themselves with making and/or painting model soldiers. Most depictions of regimental Colours at Waterloo do not include this additional honour, but from the above, perhaps they should! RGH]

“Ostend was reached on the 30 th March and here the 51 st disembarked, and in the evening embarked again on barges proceeding up the canal to Bruges, which was reached on the 31 st and to Ghent where the regiment arrived the following day. From here the 51 st proceeded by march-route to Alost, arriving on the 2 nd, Brussels being reached on the 3 rd April.

At Brussels the 51 st remained just the inside of a week and while here was detailed to form part of the 4 th Brigade (General Colville’s) Division of Hill’s Corps. The other regiments composing the brigade were the 3 rd Battalion 14 th Foot, and the 1 st Battalion 23 rd Fusiliers, which the Brigadier was Colonel H.H. Mitchell, so that Lieut.-Colonel S. Rice was left in command of the 51 st Light Infantry for the period of the campaign now opening…………”

“At Grammont the Brigade remained until the 16 th June, all ranks in comparative ignorance of the movements of the French. Thus on the 9 th June Lieut.-Colonel Rice of the 51 st Light Infantry wrote a letter home which was only posted on the 13 th, and in this he said “We are at present quiet, all a matter of conjecture as to what is to be done. The Great Duke knows, but we poor devils know nothing.”

Early in the afternoon of the 15 th June Wellington learnt something of what the French were doing – the occupation by them of Charleroi and their advance northwards towards Quatre Bras, and later in the day orders were issued for a general concentration of the allied force towards Quatre Bras. In these it was directed that “the 4 th Division to be collected this night at Grammont, with the exception of the troops beyond the Scheldt, which are to be moved to Audenarde.”

Further orders were issued in rapid succession; thus at 10 p.m. this day – “the 2 nd and 4 th Divisions of infantry to move from Ath and Grammont, also from Audenarde, and to continue their movements upon Enghien…….The above movements to take place with as little delay as possible.”

In consequence of the above the 51 st marched from Grammont at daybreak on the 16 th, en route for Braine le Comte, leaving Lieutenant Taylor and Ensign Percy sick in hospital; there was a couple of hours’ halt at Enghien, after which the brigade pushed on and camped for the night in heavy rain in a field near Braine le Comte. Nivelles was reached very early on the following morning of the 17 th and here some of the wounded from the Battle of Quatre Bras of the day previous were met, accounting for the guns which had been heard during the march of the 16 th.

On the 16 th Wellington had issued an order to Lord Hill directing the 4 th Division to march at daybreak on the 17 th to Nivelles, which order, as we have seen, was duly complied with by Colonel Mitchell’s brigade containing the 14 th, 23 rd, and 51 st Regiments. The defeat of the Prussians at Ligney on the 16 th and their consequent retreat upon Wavre made certain changes necessary in the orders which Wellington had given, for he had by this decided to fall back from Quatre Bras upon the Waterloo position. The instructions now sent to Lord Hill in regard to the movements of the 4 th Division ran as follows: “The brigades of the 4 th Division, now at Nivelles, to march from that place on Waterloo at 10 o’clock. Those brigades of the 4 th Division at Braine le Comte, and on the road from Braine le Comte to Nivelles, to collect and halt at Braine le Comte this day.”

In a further order, addressed direct to Major General the Hon. Sir C. Colville, commanding the 4 th Division, it was directed that “The brigades of the 4 th Division at Braine le Comte are to retire at daylight to-morrow upon Hal.”

It was thus due to the mere accident of the 51 st being in the leading brigade, which was already at Nivelles when the first of these two last orders was issued, that the Regiment was enabled to take part in the battle of Waterloo, instead of being condemned to inaction on that eventful day, like the remaining brigades of the Division, which remained posted on the extreme right flank of the Allies at Hal taking no part in the action.

“About noon the 4 th Brigade left Nivelles en route for Waterloo; both Mainwaring and Wheeler, the Subaltern equally with the sergeant, make complaint of the congested state of the road blocked with guns, troops and baggage, of the immense heat and dust. Towards evening however, there was thunder and heavy rain, but when from time to time the rain-clouds cleared away, the infantrymen could see in the distance some of the enemy’s columns, and the French skirmishers engaged with our mounted men.

As the light was beginning to fail Colonel Mitchell led his brigade to the positions told off for it – on the extreme right near Braine le Leud, and here the regiments bivouacked for the night, the rain continuing to fall in torrents.”

There then follows another breakdown of Wellington’s dispositions on and behind the ridge of Mont Sainte Jean and then continues:

“On the morning of Sunday, June 18 th the whole British front, from beyond Hougoumont to Smohain, was covered by a line of skirmishers, those in front of the 4 th (Mitchell’s) brigade being furnished by the light companies from the three battalions composing it, under Brevet-Major Keyt, 51 st.

There is great divergence of opinion as to the exact hour at which the battle commenced, some of the commanders present on either side putting it as early as 10 a.m., others saying it did not open until midday; but it certainly began with a preliminary attack by the French upon Hougoumont and the troops posted in the vicinity. Among these was Mitchell’s brigade, which remained for the whole of the day practically on the same spot, sometimes gaining, sometimes losing ground. Its position was a very important one since there was an unoccupied gap of some five miles between the right of the battle-line, where was the 4 th Brigade, and the allied troops about Hal. For the purpose of checking any turning movement by the enemy in this direction the brigade was weak in numbers, having, as may be seen from the “Morning State” no more than 1,708 bayonets present on the field:-

14 th Officers 38 Sergts. 33 drummers 11 rank & file 548

23 rd 44 35 23 639

51 st 45 39 14 521.

“When the French attack here developed, some companies of the 51 st – Mainwaring says three – Wheeler four – among them those of Captains Phelps and Campbell, - were ordered forward to support the skirmishers, driving the French light troops back on their columns, and at this moment the 4 th Brigade was posted as follows: along the portion of the avenue leading to Hougoumont from the Nevelles road, and next to the latter, was extended the light company of the 23 rd Fusiliers. On its right was an abatis across the road and a company of the 51 st was stationed close to it. Four more companies of the 51 st and the light company of the 14 th were extended along the hollow way in continuation of the Hougoumont avenue, and the remainder of the 51 st were in support about 200 yards in rear. The 14 th Regiment was posted still further to the rear as a reserve to the light infantry of the Brigade, which was thus opposed to the extreme left of the French line. The 23 rd Regiment was stationed on the left of the Nivelles road under the crest of the main ridge, and in rear of the 2 nd Brigade of Guards.

Owing to the undulating nature of the ground and the cover from view afforded by the standing rye, the companies of Phelps and Campbell did not come into actual conflict with the French until these were within about forty paces; the men of the 51 st opened a rapid fire and then, cheering loudly, pushed forward with the bayonet and caused the enemy to fall back although supported by cavalry. Then an order from Lord Hill directed these companies to fall back again, and “in this position” says Mainwaring, “we remained the whole day, close to Hougoumont, alternately advancing and retiring with the ebb and flow of the tide of battle.”

There are letters in existence from Lieut.-Colonel Rice and Captain John Ross of the 51 st describing, twenty years later, what they themselves recalled of the part played by their regiment in the battle, but both rather take the view expressed by the first-named of these tow officers, who wrote: “Being so separated from the Army, you will perceive we bore no decided part in the action and were but holding ground during the great movements;” and again: “You must bear in mind we were not connected during any part of the memorable day with any of the principal movements. In fact I have considered my Regiment as a picket detached from the main body, throwing out skirmishers and supports, according to my view, and in covering a certain space of ground.” But Captain Ross gives certain illuminating particulars of phases of the action.

Thus he relates that “At about 2 P.M. a small force of the enemy Cuirassiers that charged through our lines, and there surrendered, took an opportunity of breaking away from a weak escort of Dragoons, and attempted to cut their way back to the Nivelles road, where a company” (Ross’ own” “of the 51 st Regiment was posted. This company was prepared to receive them in consequence of the supports and reserves of the 51 st having fired at them en passant. They were commanded by an officer who surrendered to Captain Ross, although he was closely pursued by some English Light Dragoons, to whom he would not again surrender, as he had formerly been their prisoner. There were twelve horses and eight Cuirassiers killed on this occasion, and the remainder, about sixty, were dismounted, taken, or dispersed. In this affair Captain Ross’ company had the advantage of an abatis across the road where it was posted.”

It is perhaps an irony that this same abatis, as previously described served to prevent a break-out of escaping French cavalry, when its main intention had been to prevent or deter an advance by the same route, but in the opposite direction!

“Corroboration of this statement comes from an officer of the British Hussar Brigade; thus Captain Thackwell, of the 15 th Hussars, mentions in his account of the battle that ‘a body of cuirassiers passed between the square of infantry to our left, and being unable or unwilling to return, retreated towards the Nivelles road and passed the small post of the 156 th Hussars; but those who escaped were said to be not more than thirty, some having been knocked down by the fire of the 51 st, the direction of which prevented their being charged by the above detachment.’

“Wheeler too has something to say about this incident: ‘From our position’ he says ‘we witnessed most of the charges made by the cavalry. The enemy’s cavalry were often in rear of out lines in heavy columns. Nearly one hundred cuirassiers had overcharged themselves and were retiring to their own army by the road on our left; they came down at full gallop but were stopped at the bridge. We opened fire upon them, and notwithstanding their steel jackets sent the whole of them (with the exception of two) fully accoutred and mounted into the other world. Of the two that escaped death, one ran over the hill and the other was made prisoner. There is no doubt,’ Wheeler goes on to tell us, ‘that the man who fled gave the intelligence of our being in the cross road, for we were soon informed that the enemy were advancing in our direction in a large body of cavalry, infantry and guns. We then left the road and formed square, which was scarcely finished before three men were knocked down by an eight pound shot. Lord Hill rode down to us and remained a short time, asked for a drink of water which was given him by one of our men. His Lordship drank out of the wooden canteen and returned it with thanks. His Lordship then ordered the square to march to its left, about fifty yards, to a place more under cover; the enemy did not come on and we remained here the remainder of the action.’ ”

All this time, and indeed during the greater part of the action, the 4 th Brigade was under heavy gun fire from several batteries, and the Earl of Albemarle, then an Ensign in the 3 rd Battalion 14 th, narrates that in after years be met a French artillery officer who had been in charge of guns on the extreme left of the enemy line, and that his orders were “to fire upon three British regiments the Colours of which were respectively blue, buff, and green, thus proving beyond all doubt that is was against our brigade that this practice had been directed.” Lord Albemarle also recalls that on one occasion a bugler of the 51 st ran into the 14 th square in mistake for that of his own regiment, exclaiming as he did so, “Here I am again, safe enough.” The words were scarcely out of his mouth, “when a round shot took off his head and spattered the whole battalion with his brains, the Colours and the ensigns in charge of them coming in for an extra share.

Everywhere, at every point of the allied line, the French attacks had been repulsed, and Mainwaring tells us how, in the far distance he descried “the last gallant but useless attempt of the old Imperial Guard …. The dark column in one enormous mass crown the plateaux and move forward; but here they halt, they waver, long lines of light are seen through the black body, and, borne down by the storm of grape and cannon-shot hailed upon them from our artillery, they gave way.

The battle was over, “parties of Prussian cavalry began now to push past us” to take up the pursuit, and tired and jaded with the long day’s fighting the 51 st was marched into the orchard of the blackened ruin that had once been the chateaux of Hougoumont and piled arms. “We were badly off this night for water,” Wheeler tells us, “as none could be had but what was spoiled by dead men or horses. I had the honour of cooking a beefsteak in a steel jacket belonging to one of the Cuirassiers.”

“The losses of the 51 st Light Infantry at Waterloo are variously given: in the London Gazette they are stated to be, killed, one bugler, eight rank and file; wounded, Captain Beardsley, Lieutenant Tyndall and twenty rank and file; the Manuscript Records of the Regiment leave out the bugler from the killed and add Lieutenant Flamank to the wounded; while the Monthly Return of the 25 th June – compiled a week after the battle – has “eight men killed and thirty-four wounded.

The Casualty Returns at the Public Record Office contain the following names of the men of the 51 st as ‘killed at Waterloo’:

Bugler Quin, Corporals Pound and Winslett, Privates Turner and Seaton, while Private Kelly died on the 19 th June of wounds received at Waterloo; Private hart died on the 24 th July on passage to England of wounds received in the same action; while under the date of the 24 th January 1816, there is the following entry in the Casualty Returns : viz., ‘Privates Collins and Wilson severely wounded at Waterloo, not heard of, believed dead.’

On June 20 th the following Divisional order was published:

“Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Colville cannot deny himself the satisfaction of adding to those of Lord Hill his own most hearty congratulations to Colonel Mitchell and the brigade of the Fourth Division under his command, in the share they so fortunately had in the glorious and for ever memorable battle of the 18 th inst. By every statement the 23 rd Welsh Fusiliers and the 51 st Regiment acted most fully up to their former high character, while the young 3 rd battalion, 14 th Regiment, in this their first trial, showed a steadiness and gallantry becoming veteran troops.”

On the same day the Duke of Wellington published to the army a long order, of which the second paragraph ran as follows:

“The Field Marshal takes this opportunity of returning to the army his thanks for their conduct in the glorious action fought on the 18 th instant, and he will not fail to report his sense of their conduct in the terms which it deserves to their several Sovereigns.” ………..

As “The period of the stay of the 51 st in France was now drawing very near to an end, but before the Regiment embarked for England, authority was given for yet another ‘Honour’ to be bourne upon its Colours and Appointments; the following is the text of the Oder:-

“Most humbly submitted to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent. That permission be granted to the Regiments specified in the margin to bear on their Colours and Appointments, in addition to any other Badges or Devices which may have heretofore been granted to those Regiments, the word ‘Waterloo,’ in commemoration of their distinguished services at Waterloo on the 18 th June, 1815.

In the name and on Behalf of His Majesty

Signed. Approved.

GEORGE P.R.

Adjutant-General’s Office.

23 rd November, 1815.

Communicated on the 8 th December, 1815, to Colonels or Commanding Officers of Regiments .”

“On the 4 th December the 51 st Light Infantry received orders to proceed to the coast and embark for England.”

The regiment returned to British soil at Dover on the 3 rd January, 1816, where they remained temporarily before marching to Bletchington, where they remained several months in garrison. Thus ended the excursions of the two Yorkshire regiments into the conclusion of the so called ‘Hundred Days’. Napoleon was soon to find himself again exiled, this time to the remote southern Atlantic island of St. Helena, where he would eventually die. The circumstances of his death remain uncertain, but that is not for the here and now. We therefore leave them to their futures, both of which would be distinguished. Regarding the 51 st, I would refer the reader to: http://www.army.mod.uk/lightinfantry/history_traditions/county_regiments/koyli.htm

A quite amazing web site at: http://www.stehelene.org/php/accueil.php?page=5&lang=en contains many photographic images of some old soldiers. They are it seems French pensioners, photographed in the 1850’s-60’s, of which the herein included six are all resplendent in their old uniforms of the Napoleonic Empire. While drawings, no matter how well done can be very informative, these I would suggest have to be the best images anywhere of French Napoleonic uniforms. I found them to be very oddly moving.

Here are three photographic images, very kindly provided by Corinne Mills; that depict firstly, the inn known as La Belle Alliance, at which at 9:30p.m. on the evening of the 18 th June, 1815, the commanders of the British/Allied army and the Prussian army met for the first time after the battle. Here it was decided that the Prussians should continue the pursuit of the French in order to prevent them from re-organising, while the British/Allied troops took their rest. This image, together with the two others seem to have been taken in the 1920’s/30’s, according to the model of motor car shown in one of them.

The second image shows the house in which Wellington spent the night of the 17 th/18 th of June, 1815; and the third is an interior image of the chamber in which the Duke is said to have slept. The card claims that there have been no changes made to the room since the days of the grandmother, which one is led to assume, means that it had remained unchanged since the time of Waterloo.

My sincere thanks to Corinne Mills for these rare images, taken at a time when mass tourism was not the big business it is today.

If anyone can provide accurate and succinct translations of the photo captions, it would be very much appreciated!

The recent photographs taken of the memorial mound on the battlefield of Waterloo by Pam White are imposing to say the least. The building of the Lion mound, it has been logically suggested, took away and utilised much of the original ridge of Mont St. Jean, thereby altering forever the true aspect of the battlefield. This should be borne in mind when visiting the place, that what today’s visitor may see, was not what was there for Wellington’s army in 1815, but has been manipulated and manicured to provide today’s visitors with a panoramic view of the site. Also from the camera of Pam are the sections of the painted panorama within the Rotunda Museum on-site, for which, I thank her very much indeed. The photographic images taken from the top of the mound are looking southeast and west across the field of battle, showing in the distance the ridge of La Belle Alliance, where the French began the day.

It was touched upon earlier in this narrative that the 14 th Regiment of Foot was to become another West Yorkshire regiment. This was done in 1881 during one of the army’s periodical re-organisations, when the 14 th (Buckinghamshire - The Prince of Wales Own) Regiment of Foot was re-designated The Prince of Wales (West Yorkshire Regiment). Some time ago, a sometime colleague, Andre Brannan, sent to me some photographs found by his brother, which then were unidentified. Closer inspection showed them to be the West Yorkshire Regiment on garrison duty at the Suez Canal. www.yorkshirehistory.com has duly received permission to reproduce these images here.

The first, and I think most evocative image is believed to be of the regiment Trooping their Colours at Moascar, Egypt, in 1932. this is a very wide image, and needs to be to include almost a thousand men, it is therefore thumb-nailed, and the large version will appear in a new window when the smaller one is clicked.

The second shows the Ensign to the Colour and two Escorts to the Colour (both Sergeants).

Shows the regiment marching past the Senior Officer on Parade who is taking the salute, presumably at the same parade.

What appears to be a Company of the West Yorks., in formal pose for the camera, at just over 100 men, this would seem to be the case.

Another formal photograph, showing the men and officers in full tropical kit, and displaying some trophies, which are currently unidentified.

It was felt apposite to include these images here, for while the then 14 th of Foot was brigaded with the 51 st at Waterloo, they were not then a Yorkshire regiment. Since history has a way of turning things upside-down however, plus the happy co-incidence of the discovery of these images, it has been deemed appropriate to include them here.

Richard Hayton ©2006

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email richard@yorkshirehistory.com