IN CONGRESS,

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 3, 1776.

INSTRUCTIONS to the COMMANDERS of Private Ships or Vessels of War, which shall have Commissions or Letters of Marque and Reprisal, authorising them to make Captures of British Vessels and Cargoes.

I. YOU may, by Force of Arms, attack, subdue, and take all Ships and other Vessels belonging to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, on the High Seas, or between high-water and low-water Marks, except Ships and Vessels bringing Persons who intend to settle and reside in the United Colonies, or bringing Arms, Ammunition or Warlike Stores to the said Colonies, for the Use of such Inhabitants thereof as are Friends to the American Cause, which you shall suffer to pass unmolested, the Commanders thereof permitting a peaceable Search, and giving satisfactory Information of the Contents of the Ladings, and Destinations of the Voyages. ………………

By Order of CONGRESS. JOHN HANCOCK, President.

IN CONGRESS

The Delegates of the United Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New-castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
TO ALL unto whom these Presents shall come, send greeting: KNOW YE
That we have granted, and by these Presents do grant Licence and Authority to Captain’s Name Mariner, Commander of the Vessel Type called Vessel’s Name of the Burthen of … Tons or thereabouts, belonging to Owner’s Name of Owner’s Abode in the Colony of …. Mounting … Carriage Guns, and navigated by ... Men, to fit out and set forth the said Vessel’s Name in a warlike Manner and by and with the said … and the crew thereof, by Force of Arms, to Attack, Seize, and take the Ships and other vessels belonging to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, or any of them, with their Tackle, Apparel, Furniture and Ladings, on the High Seas, or between high-water and low-water Marks, and to bring the same to some convenient Ports in the said Colonies, in order that the Courts, which are or shall be there appointed to hear and determine Causes civil and maritime, may proceed in due Form to condemn the said Captures, if they be judged lawful Prize; the said Commander’s Name having given Bond, with sufficient Sureties, that nothing be done by the said Commander’s Name or any of the Officers, Mariners, or Company thereof contrary to or inconsistent with the Usages and Customs of Nations, and the Instructions, a Copy of which is herewith delivered to him. And we will and require all our Officers whatsoever to give Succour and Assistance to the said Commander’s Name in the Premises. This Commission shall continue in Force until the Congress shall issue Orders to the Contrary.
By Order of the Congress
Dated at …
James Hancock President.

YORK COURANT (newspaper) 13^th January 1778 :

All able-bodied SEAMEN or LANDSMEN, willing to serve his Majesty, King George, on-board His Majesty’s ship, the Countess of Scarborough, a fine new ship mounting 20 guns, and mann’d with 120 men, Henry Francis Evans Esq., Commander, now lying in Hull Roads, and to be stationed at Hull for the protection of the Trade of that port, and other ports adjacent, let them repair onboard the said ship, or to the Old Whale, or the Cross Keys Rendezvous in Hull, where they will enter into present pay, be entitled to his Majesty’s Royal Bounty of FIVE POUNDS for every able seaman, and FIFTY SHILLINGS for every Ordinary seaman or Landsman, and two months in advance; also a Bounty of TWO GUINEAS to every Able seaman, and ONE GUINEA to every Ordinary seaman or Landsman from the Mayor and Corporation of Hull, and the same Bounty from the Wardens and Corporation of the Trinity House.

GOD SAVE THE KING

• Petty Officers wanted; also Carpenter’s mate, Gunner’s mate, and others

With these three brief passages there begins a tangle of threads which fate decreed would lead to the fame of one, and the obscurity of the other, fates paradoxically later to be completely reversed by history. The Letter of Marque, as issued to captains such as John Paul Jones, of the newly emerging United States Navy; and the recruiting poster for men to join the hired armed vessel the CountessofScarborough. Their paths were to intersect a few short years after the issue of these papers in the cold waters of the North Sea, off the Yorkshire coast during the crepuscular hours of late afternoon and evening of the 23rd September 1779, in an engagement to be known as the Battle of Flamborough Head. This on the face of it would seem to be straightforward enough; however, Jones was not the run-of-the-mill sea captain. He had been given a special SECRET COMMISION by Congress as evidenced thus:

Letters of Delegates to Congress : Volume 7 May 1, 1777 - September 18, 1777

Secret Committee to John Paul Jones

Sir, Philadelphia May 9. 1777 On receipt of this letter you are to proceed to Portsmouth in New Hampshire where you will find the Amphitrite a French Ship of 20 Guns commanded by Monsr. N. Fautrel a Gentleman that has acquitted himself honorably of the charge he undertook, and we doubt not he will continue the Same good conduct for the remainder of the Voyage.

This Ship is to proceed from Portsmouth to Charles Town, South Carolina, to load with Rice &c, from thence She goes to France, and we have proposed that you Should go in her this Voyage taking your Commission and Appearing or Acting on Suitable Occasions as the Commander. We know not the number of men on board this Ship, but if Captain Fautrel accepts our propositions, you will examine the Ships force, both as to Guns and men and if the latter are insufficient you may recruit as many more to go with you as Shall be deemed Sufficient to enable you to take and man Such Prizes as may come in your way. ………

“We hope you may make many Prizes and thereby lodge Funds in Europe that will assist in executing the other part of our views. We are advised by our Commissioners at the Court of France that they can procure us some fine Frigates and as we have a desire to gratify you with the command of a fine Ship in firm dependance that you will make good use of her to serve and promote the Interest of America, we send you to France in the Alnphitrite for these two purposes, first, to avail of her Guns & men to make a Cruising voyage to France, and then to Obtain One of the Frigates mentioned. ……

"The Congress have thought proper to authorize the Secret Committee to employ you [on] a voyage in the Amphitrite from Portsmouth to Carolina and France where it is expected you will be provided with a fine frigate and as your present Commission is for the Command of a particular Ship we now Send you a new one whereby you are appointed a Captain in our Navy and of course may command any Ship in the service. You are to obey the orders of the Secret Committee ."

[http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:63:./temp/~ammem_5X4X ]

The above very clearly implies that Jones’s mission was anything but run-of-the-mill, indeed it was very covert in respect that the Prize Money he was to eventually accrue was to be sub-divided for the purpose of funding French co-operation in the supply of ships, men and equipment. It also goes some way to explain why there was such squabbling over the consequential Prize Money obtained by the capture of Serapis and the Countess among others. That the above plan was not initiated beyond this point is incidental, it is plain that Jones had an agenda sanctioned by Congress other than simple privateering. Not, as we used to say “A Simple Sailor!”

This narrative begins with the assembling together of the 70 plus merchant ships homeward bound towards England from various Baltic ports carrying the 1779 cargo of masts, yards, deals, and hemp meant for the Royal Navy’s Mast Houses & Mould Lofts such as those at Chatham dockyard. H.M.S. Serapis, a Two Deck 44 [more of which later – RGH], only recently commissioned into the Navy, captained by Richard Pearson was their escort in those perilous times when Congressional Privateers and Letters of Marque were cruising even the waters of the North Sea for British targets to plunder. As part of the Channel Fleet based at the anchorage off the Nore and off the Medway at Chatham in the county of Kent, Serapis had been performing convoy duties to and from the Skagerrak, the strait separating modern day Denmark from Norway and forming the entrance to the Baltic Sea. Serapis, in her task to escort the annual 1779 convoy homewards encountered the Armed Ship Countess of Scarborough, and being but single handed in his enterprise, and also having seniority over the Captain Thomas Piercy of the Countess, Pearson instructed Piercy to join forces with him, which he was fully justified in doing under then current Navy law, to boost the convoy’s defence should that become necessary; and to assist in keeping the convoy in some sort of order.

A precious document preserved at the Public Records office, London at Ref: PRO ADM 1/2305, is a dispatch written by Captain Pearson when he established contact with the authorities at Scarborough upon making his landfall on the morning of the 23 rd September is a most insightful document. It can be seen from this that Pearson was a confident, experienced, proficient (and perhaps a little stiff) commodore of convoys such as this. He was fully aware of the lack of respect his flag would be shown by the merchant captains, hence his seconding of the Countess of Scarborough, needed to help shepherd this wayward flock. It is not a long dispatch, and can therefore be presented here in full. An accompanying list of forty of the remaining merchant vessels of the Baltic convoy at their departure from Scarborough roads, their home ports, masters, tonnage, destinations, and cargoes can be ACCESSED HERE The text of the dispatch might seem rather stilted but it was the form of the time when addressing their Lordships of the Admiralty. It also shows some frustration with the disregard shown to his command by some of the convoy departing without warning on approaching the English coast. It seems strange to think that only hours after this was penned, Pearson’s, Piercy’s, and Jones’s fates would be forever linked, and, that history was about to be made!

Serapis At Scarbrough the 23 rd Sept. 1779

SIR –

You will please to inform My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that on the 19 of August I arrived safe at Elsinore in His Majesty’s Ship Serapis under my command with the whole of the convoy I sailed with from the Nore, that on the 31 His Majesty’s Arm’d ships Beaver Prize and Countess of Scarbrough arrived there with a convoy from Hull, Whitby &c. I then being ready to sail with a large convoy, and being informed by the last ships down from Petersburg that these were a number more …….. expected and I thought it proper, and more for the good of His majesty’s Service to give Captain Drummond commanding the Beaver Prize orders to remain their [sic] till the 6 instant then to sail with such ships as might be come down unless any senior officer to him should arrive before that time, in that case to shew my orders to him, and to follow such orders for his further proceedings as the said Senior officer should find it necessary to give him for the good of the Service, at the same time I thought it necessary to give Captain Piercy commanding the Countess of Scarbrough order to put himself under my command, and to proceed in company with His Majesty’s Ship Serapis and the convoy, having found from experience that one ship was insufficient with every attention that could possibly be given to keep so large a convoy in any sort of order or regularity, and this wholly proceeding from the obstinacy and arrogance or the national disposition to disobedience of most masters of Merchant Ships in all convoys.

In the morning of the 1 Inst:, the wind shifted round to the east, I sail’d with seventy sail of Merchant ships under convoy, and on the – inst:, in the night we fell in with twenty six sail of ships from Newcastle and Sunderland & bound for Elsinore, under convoy of His Majesty’s ship the Queen …….. [sic] On the 6, 7, and 8 instant, we had a very hard gale of wind Westerly in crossing the Jutland Reef, when we with some difficulty weathered that shore, and reached over for the coast of Norway. The convoy being much dispersed, at 4 o’clock in the morning of the 8 made Flekery Island [Flekkerøy Island RGH] the place of rendezvous, we then made the signal for seing [sic] the land, and brought to for the convoy to come up: After collecting as many of them as I could, and the pilots came off, I made the signal to anchor, when the greatest parts of the convoy put into such ports along the coast as they could fetch, and many that were not able to carry sail enough to fetch the Norway coast, I am told bore up to run from Elsinore, to take the benefit of the next convoy. I anchor’d about noon in a small cove near Christiansand, and in two or three days heard that the Countess of Scarbrough and a number of the convoy had got into Meardow [sic] a small port about ten leagues to the eastward; on which I wrote to Captain Piercy directing him to join me off Fleckery Island [Flekkerøy Island RGH] with the first favourable wind, and appointed him a signal to make off the different ports as he came along the coast, by which signal I sent to all the masters of the ships in the different ports along the coast, by which means when I put to sea on the 15 which was the first easterly wind, I was joined by the Countess of Scarbrough and a great part of the convoy, which with those already with the Serapis amounting to fifty sail, which with at 8 o’clock in the evening I made sail to the westwards and in the morning of the 23 made land near Whitby with forty four sail in company. The ships for Scotland Newcastle &c having parted company two nights before without ever making known to me their intentions.

I am Sir

Your Most Obedient

And Most humble Servant

Rd. Pearson.

A full list of the merchant vessels that made up the 1779 Baltic Convoy then under the protection of HMS Serapis and HM Armed Sloop Countess of Scarborough can be seen HERE

[via Peter Reaveley collection]

www.yorkshirehistory.com makes no apology that there is a bias herein from the British perspective. There is a plethora of works dedicated to the American side of things, and it was thought necessary to counter-balance this ‘over indulgence’ from a different point of view. At the same time, it is hoped that some new points from the American side have been established that will add to the vast body of knowledge already available on the subject - if one knows where to look that is! Much is repeated elsewhere in different formats, some more reliable than others. The reader should therefore take such things into account, and not rely on any single interpretation. www.yorkshirehistory.com has tried hard to ensure that sources are valid and safe, but nonetheless, discrepancies do creep in. Where these have occurred and been discovered, it is hoped that sufficient rebuttal has similarly been included to explain or avoid serious historical error.

Having now set the scene, it becomes necessary to look closer at the main protagonists, the people, the ships, the events, and the consequences of their meeting.

A three-quarter-length portrait of traditional 'kit-cat' size (36 x 28 inches). Pearson sits to the to the left in captain's (over three years) full-dress uniform 1774-87 with a tie wig, and a sword visible on the right. As a lieutenant in the East Indies he did well during the Seven Years War, where he was severely wounded. He was subsequently unable to obtain a commission because his senior officers twice died before they could fulfil their promises. He finally obtained post rank as a captain in 1773. In 1779, in command of the 'Serapis', 44 guns, and escorting a large convoy from the Baltic, he was attacked off Flamborough Head by an American rebel squadron under John Paul Jones in the 'Bonhomme Richard', 42 guns. This famous action ended in Pearson surrendering the 'Serapis' to Jones but not before his spirited defence had covered the escape of the valuable convoy. For this reason he was considered a hero. He was knighted, received presents from the merchants and the freedoms of several towns. This portrait was painted soon after this famous action. In 1800 he became Lieutenant-Governor of Greenwich Hospital.

Permission to reproduce this image has been sought from the National Maritime Museum, London, but while they ponder the issue, it has been decided to present it until such times as it might have to be removed. As some readers will know, this is a non-profit making site, and therefore holds no funds for expensive reproduction fees should any be incurred. The copyright of the image then, remains with the National Maritime Museum, London, and any use of it by any means must be sought from the Museum.

http://www.nmm.ac.uk/mag/pages/mnuExplore/PaintingDetail.cfm?ID=BHC2942

His Britannic Majesty’s Ship Serapis was built to an old pattern at Rotherhithe, Kent, and launched 4 th March, 1779, and rated to carry 44 guns, the lower battery of which were 18 pounders.

click on image for a larger version

SERAPIS

There was a penchant in the British Royal Navy to name many of their warships after ancient gods or goddesses. Navy Lists, such as can be seen online at : http://www.cronab.demon.co.uk/INTRO.HTM will demonstrate this tendency very clearly. The use of such sources for ships’ names also allowed for a representation of the deity to be carved as a figure-head to be built into the vessel’s bow over the cut-water as not only mere decoration, but as a means by which vessels might be identified, and also to provide the crews, who were always superstitious, to focus their superstitions concerning their ship in a positive way. The selection of the god Serapis therefore was not an unusual a choice for the name of the new 50 gun rated vessel commissioned into the Navy at Rotherhithe in the year 1779.

The precise design of Serapis remains ambiguous it is thought in some circles. It is known she was one of a type of warship known as the Roebuck Class, of 1769. Built to a Slade design, the earlier members of which had what appeared to be a ‘two-level’ stern gallery like larger two-deckers, with windows on two separate levels. This however was an illusion as the windows only actually illuminated a single stern cabin. The Roebucks were a class that incorporated both single and double level sterns, which is where the principal ambiguity of Serapis arises. Her stern arrangement is not recorded directly and might therefore seen to remain questionable. Not only that, but some confusion might arise because there were not one but two vessels of this same class named Serapis. The second of these does not concern us; she was built and named after the events of 1779 needless to say, built at Bristol between 1780 when her construction was ordered, delivered in 1782, she spent most of her time as a store ship and floating battery until 1819 when she was hulked. On this matter, Peter Reaveley sent me the following: “Serapis had one set of stern lights, like all of the other 44-gun ships of that date. A good example is the contemporary dockyard hull model of Endymion in the Science Museum in London. Endymion was under construction across the Thames at Limehouse at the same time as Serapis, to the same draughts. Also, Charon is contemporary with Serapis, to the same draughts, built at Harwich. Charon also had one set of stern lights, as shown in the contemporary full-rigged dockyard model.” While this is further evidence that Serapis had but a single tier of stern windows, it cannot be said however to be conclusive proof. It is however very tempting to use this evidence upon which to base any kind of model, and should not therefore be disregarded. Peter, in a follow-up email said “The following ships had single stern lights: Charon [contemporary model, Harwich], Barnard, Harwich, 8 Oct. 1778. Serapis [contemporary painting, Capt. Pearson advisor] Randall, Rotherhithe, 4 March 1779. Endymion [contemporary model, Science Museum, London], Graves, Limehouse, 28 August 1779. Note that Serapis and Endymion were under construction at the same time at builder’s yards opposite each other on the Thames, to the same set of Admiralty draughts and establishment. Dolphin [your research], Chatham Dockyard, 10 March 1781. …….. By the way, I just recalled that many years ago the great American ship-modeller Harold Hahn made a model of Serapis for a museum, and when I looked in my library it had a single set of stern lights. I think I have a set of his plans somewhere. I will send you a copy of photos of his superb model. Hope this helps.” From Peter’s extensive and unparalleled research, the question of the stern gallery or lights is now as well answered as it ever can be. Serapis had the single set of stern lights, a single tier gallery - not the double. As can be seen from the stern lights of the models of Endymion and Charon, they were not identical, and the builder one presumes had some leeway of design for these features.

Much can be read into the fact that the name of the original Serapis was utilised for a second time. In normal circumstances, the name of any ship that had surrendered was not used again as a form of disgrace. That the name of Serapis was used again and so quickly would seem to indicate the opposite on this occasion. The first Serapis however, which does concern us, has been in several accounts described as a ‘frigate’, this would seem to be untrue, she was a small two-decker rated to carry a suite of 44 guns, much more than the conventional Royal Naval frigates of that period. Her principal dimensions were in English feet and inches listed as: 140’ at gun-deck, 115’9” length of keel; 37’9½” extreme breadth; 16’4” depth of hold; and weighed ** 879 26/94 tons burthen. Her full compliment of men was 300 (this seems to be a rounding up of her actual compliment of 280, as shown by Peter Reaveley’s research; my thanks to him for his timely intervention), and her armament originally comprised of 20 x 18lb guns on the main gun deck; 22 x 9lb guns on the upper deck; and 2 x 6lb guns on her forecastle or foc’sle, she was built by Randell at Rotherhithe to the Slade design for her class.

** the term “weighed” in this case is a convenience rather than an accurate measurement of the number of tons the structure and contents of the Serapis combined weighed in tons. Such measurements, and there are various methods to calculate the “weight” of a vessel, are an indication of her volume rather than a measurement of her weight, but should not be confused with her Displacement, which is another way to make such comparative measurements!!

click on image for a larger version

Here shown illustrated are HMS Rainbow, a 44 gun two-decker, a 5 th rate of the 1745 Establishment showing the two-level stern design of this size of warship, and HMS Dolphin of the Roebuck class [below] with the single level stern design.

[The Sailing Navy List: all the ships of the Royal Navy built, purchased and captured, 1688-1860 by David Lyon, Conway Maritime, ISBN-10: 0851778976

ISBN-13: 978-0851778976, pp. 79-80]

click on image for a larger version

Jean Boudriot in his definitive work on this particular matter, illustrated by the draughts for HMS Roebuck says this: “The draughts shown are reproduced by kind permission of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. They are of the first ship of the class, HMS Roebuck, built at Chatham in 1770, and they bear the signature of Thomas Slade, who was Surveyor of the Navy” [between 1745 and 1785 RGH]. The armament and dimensions are then repeated as above, and continues thus: “Considerable confusion has existed as to the Serapis’s rate, and indeed the resolution of Congress awarding a gold medal to Jones refers to her as a frigate; however, the 44-gun ships were in fact miniature two-deckers, and more powerful than the frigates of the time. The very low bulwarks and absence of guns on the quarter-deck or gangways makes the distinction somewhat theoretical, but it is for all that incorrect to refer to the Serapis as a frigate. The 44-gun ships were not a successful class, being too short to be used as a fast frigate, and too weakly armed to hold their own against a 74.”

From the plan, one of the official inscriptions says “Navy Office 1770; A Draught proposed for building in His Majesty’s yard at Chatham, a new Ship of War of 44 guns proposed in pursuance of an order from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty: Dated….”[followed by the date and dimensions of the proposed vessel]

[John Paul Jones and the Bonhomme Richard: A Reconstruction of the Ship and an Account of the Battle with H.M.S. Serapis By Boudriot, Jean, Publisher: The author, p. 72]

them for years in the service, they lost the appellation of frigates [My emphasis RGH], and took that of the ‘old two-deck 44-gun ship;’

[A Naval History of Great Britain, by William James, a new edition, in six volumes, vol. 1, Harding Lepard and Co., London 1826, pp. 43 http://books.google.co.uk]

In furtherance to this reference, it is also reinforced by the inscription on one of the Freedom caskets described later, which contains the words “ Frigate the Serapis ”.

Crank ** A ship which, either by her construction or the stowing of her cargo could not carry a great deal of sail without the danger of capsizing.

click on image for a larger version

It might be relevant here to briefly describe the Royal Navy ship rating system because for one thing it may shed a little light on the dilemma concerning whether or not Serapis was or was not a frigate.

“Ships were classified or rated according to the number of cannon they carried, carronades were never included in the number, although rated ships could carry up to twelve 24 or 32-pounders.

All rated ships (1st to 6th) were commanded by a POST CAPTAIN. Sloops, bombs, fire ships and ships armed en flute, that is a rated warship with some or all of its guns removed and used as a transport ship, were commanded by COMMANDERS. Smaller vessels like schooners and cutters were commanded by LIEUTENANTS. Sometimes a MASTER or a MIDSHIPMAN would command a very small vessel or a sloop used to carry stores. A LIEUTENANT, a MIDSHIPMAN or a MASTER`S MATE could be put in temporary command of a captured prize.

SHIPS-OF-THE-LINE were those which were powerful enough to take their place in the line of battle. That is, a 3rd Rate or larger which carried guns on two or more decks. The rated ships smaller than this were known as FRIGATES and carried all their guns on a single upper deck.”

1st Rate 100 guns or more 875 to 850 men

2nd Rate 98 to 90 guns 750 to 700 men

3rd Rate 80 to 64 650 to 500

4th Rate 60 to 50 420 to 320

5th Rate 40 to 32 300 to 200

6th Rate 28 to 20 200 to 140

Sloops 18 to 16 125 to 90

Gun-Brigs

& Cutters 14 to 6 5 to 25

[ http://www.cronab.demon.co.uk/gen1.htm ]

It can be seen from the above that Serapis fell between the 5 th and 6 th rates being as she was a 44 gun ship. That she was a two decker would indicate that she was also not a frigate but a two-deck 44. This definition however might well be determined by the date at which it was made. Such definitions tended to be adjusted from time to time, and Serapis, being on the cusp (so-to-speak) could easily have been described as either or both but not contemporaneously. Personally I prefer the appellation Two-Deck 44, neither a Ship-of-the-Line nor a Frigate.

click on image for a larger version

The larger draught shown here is of HMS Roebuck, the first of her class of 44’s. It has been colour rendered by this author in a common livery of the time, but this is only interpretive as such colour schemes were not at this period governed by hard and fast regulation. She has not been presented with a copper sheathed bottom. This timber hull preserving treatment is also interpretive because as with so many other things concerning Serapis, such treatment was only just being introduced and fitted to RN ships. Peter Reaveley has presented a flawless case that Serapis was not at the time of the battle copper bottomed. He cites the following: “Serapis was not coppered, but was sheathed with fir deals, as was normal at the time, coppering was only just beginning to be introduced. After Serapis was captured, and sold as a prize at L’orient after being cut down to a frigate, the new French owner had her coppered, since he wanted to use her as a privateer in the Indian Ocean, based at Madagascar.”

Serapis (sĕrā'pĭs) or Sarapis (särä'pĭs) , Egyptian god whose devotees united the worship of the Apis bull and the god Osiris. His cult, which originated at Memphis, rose to its greatest significance at Alexandria during the reign of Ptolemy I. He was adopted as the universal godhead by some Gnostic sects. In Greece during Hellenistic times and later during the Roman Empire his worship rivalled that of other Middle Eastern and Mediterranean cults. http://www.answers.com/topic/serapis Also: A god 'created' in the early Hellenistic period and worshipped most in Egypt, but soon current through the Greek world, and to varying degrees assimilated to other Greek gods. He appears as a Zeus-like figure, wearing the modius (a small pot indicating fertility) on his head…

Shown here is a representative illustration of a 20 gun Sloop of War. It might resemble the Countess of Scarborough in many ways, but as with Serapis (above), no surviving contemporary illustrations exist, therefore it is necessary to provide the best example of a similar type. The Countess of Scarborough was rated 20 or 22 guns of 6 pound shot weight each, depending upon the source consulted, very similar to this illustration. It is not in scale with the representative illustration of a Serapis type 50.

.

COUNTESS OF SCARBOROUGH

The Armed Sloop Countess of Scarborough was a privately built ship mounting 22 guns. She was probably built at Hull for the protection of trade at that port and ports nearby in and around the Humber Estuary and the coast of Holderness and North Lincolnshire. Her precise design has not survived as far as is currently known. Questions asked of the Maritime Museum, Hull, have verified that no plans or papers pertaining to her exist within their library collection. Because of a lack of suitable vessels for convoy protection at this perilous period of England’s history vessels like the Countess were hired into the Royal Navy, their size, manoeuvrability and armament being enough to thwart most privateers. In spite of her title of Sloop, this was a generalisation for most un-rated vessels of the Navy. That she is also referred to as a ship is not. Ships, in those days were specific vessels, with three masts square rigged on all, rather than barks, brigs, and other types of sailing vessels which were variously rigged fore and aft as well as square.

The Countess of Scarborough after who was named the newly built Armed Sloop as a trade protection vessel for the safety of shipping inward and outward bound of the Humber Estuary was Barbara Lumley-Saunderson, Countess of Scarborough. Born Barbara Savile, she was the daughter of Sir George Savile, 7th Lord Rufford and Mary Pratt; she married Richard Lumley-Saunderson, 4th Earl of Scarborough on the 26 December 1752 at Rufford Abbey, and had eleven children by him. She died 22 July 1797; and was buried at St. Marylebone in London.

http://www.stirnet.com/HTML/genie/british/ll/lumley02.htm#e6scar

http://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/CGPrograms/Dict/ASP/OpenDictionaryBody.asp?name=Serapis

Public Records Office, London

In quiet seas, on the 23^rd September 1779, the convoy and it’s escorting vessels were making landfall to the east of the high chalk headland of Flamborough Head, the wind was reported as slight, and the sea calm. Visibility was moderate but as the British ships approached the headland, the mists revealed, on their port bows’ and to seaward, were the sails of an approaching squadron.

With the feeble wind coming from a southerly direction, JP Jones sighted the oncoming convoy at 2 o’clock in the afternoon, while he was two leagues from the coast (a league equating to 3 miles). Being to windward he had the initial advantage, and signalled his small fleet to form line astern in preparation for the forthcoming engagement. At the same time, Pearson in Serapis, although uncertain of the identity of the vessels approaching him, signalled for the convoy to make all possible sail and change course to the NNW to head for the safety of the harbour and defences of Scarborough. Serapis and Countess of Scarborough then altered course to gain some sea room, while attempting to intercept the suspicious ships to the south and east.

The personal squabbles between John Paul Jones and his captains ensured a tardy obedience to his signals, Pallas and Vengeance followed, while Alliance stood off. Jones, confident in his own crew and his own abilities was (according to his own account) prepared to continue the adventure alone, if needs be. Meanwhile, onshore, spectators had begun to gather, fisher folk, villagers of the communities along the coast, farm hands, they stared out to sea waiting for the next stage of the slow moving maritime dance unfolding before them. As Serapis and Countess of Scarborough continued to close the distance, the steadiness of Pallas and Vengeance began to diminish, consequently they began to fall off the wind and lag behind Bonhomme Richard, which surprised Jones little.

As the sunset, and the moon began to rise, both sides prepared for action, guns loaded, internal partitions removed, sand scattered over the decks together with the numerous other tasks the order demanded. When Bonhomme Richard and Serapis were a pistol shot apart, Jones ordered his guns to open fire, the time was about 7 o’clock in the evening. Serapis replied with her own broadside while Countess of Scarborough rounded Bonhomme Richard’s stern and commenced raking her from that quarter. During the initial stages of this exchange of shot, the ancient 18 pounders installed by Jones, exploded, killing many of his best gunners, wounding many more, and doing considerable damage to the ship, to the extent that Jones began to fear for her safety and seaworthiness. Bonhomme Richard was now severely outnumbered and out gunned. He decided to lay his ship alongside Serapis, and as the opportunity presented, he grappled Serapis and hauled the two ships together so that the lay against each other bow alongside stern. Countess of Scarborough, seeing that any further shot from her would also do damage to Serapis, held her fire. About this time, Jones, saw to his great relief that Pallas had laid on sail and was coming to his aid, though her distance ensured that it would be some time before she became effective. Serapis continued her bombardment of Bonhomme Richard while she, was able to reply with but three guns. They had however taken their toll, and Serapis’ main mast, which was painted yellow, and an outstanding target in the twilight, became weakened. All the while the battle had continued to drift, with wind and tide, to the northward. In an effort to shake her self free, Serapis dropped her anchor. By 8 o’clock both ships were on fire from their contiguousness and the ferocity of cannon their fire, which lit up the sky for miles around, the thunder of their guns resounded from the high cliffs nearby. At this time, Pallas, who had gathered Alliance, engaged Countess of Scarborough, they were to the south, and had the wind. Percy, seeing he could do little for Serapis, and threatened as he was with two larger ships decided to make a dash for safety. As the trio passed the seaward side of Bonhomme Richard, Alliance delivered a broadside into both her, and Serapis. Onboard that ship, so close were they, that Pearson overheard a report between Jones’ master gunner and her master at arms, that Bonhomme Richard was taking on water, the pumps had been shot away and they were in fear of sinking.

Pearson raised his speaking trumpet and called to Jones, who had then arrived back on his quarterdeck after overseeing the firing of his remaining guns, "Do you ask for quarter? Do you ask for quarter?" It is at this point that this article becomes contentious. Jones’ reply, according to his own account, were, (translated from the French) "That point never occurred to me, but I am determined to make you ask for quarter." The immortal words "I have not yet begun to fight!!" were penned 46 years later by Jones’ biographer and never, according to Jones, uttered by himself.

There are, with such much else of history, conflicting reports concerning the utterance of the words - I HAVE NOT YET BEGUN TO FIGHT – by John Paul Jones, here is another version of events.
In his statement to the court-martial on his conduct in the action, which occurred several months afterwards, when he had been exchanged, Captain Pearson said:
‘Hearing or thinking I had heard, a call for quarter from the enemy, I hailed to ask if he had struck his colours. I did not myself clearly hear the reply; but one of my Midshipmen, Mr. Hood, did hear it and soon reported it to me. It was to the effect that he was just beginning to fight. This I at first thought to be mere bravado on his part. But I soon perceived that it was the defiance of a man desperate enough, if he could not conquer, to sink with his ship alongside.’
[Paul Jones Founder of the American Navy: A History Part One; by Augustus C. Buell, published 2005, Kessinger Publishing, ISBN 1417957719]

After being warned of the spuriousness of the Augustus C. Buell comments regarding the alleged quote by Jones by Peter Reaveley, a further examination of the veracity of the Buell contribution has revealed it to be totally counterfeit. It is not uncommon sadly that people find it necessary to burden serious researchers with fake, untrue, and utterly unhelpful embellishments of matters in no need of them. I like so many before me, fell headlong into the Buell trap. However, rather than simply removing any reference to it, it has been decided instead to confront it head-on and reveal it for what it is, an out and out fake, a lie, and worse, a misdirection of history, something for which he and those like him should never be forgiven. There can be little better place to seek verification for the fraudulent and untrue nature of Buell’s inventions than the paper presented to, and published in the US Naval Institute magazine by Lori Lyn Bogle and Ensign Joel I. Holwitt, U.S. Navy, April 2004, see: http://www.usni.org/navalhistory/Articles04/NHbogleapr.htm

This paper says of him “Except for the original fabricator, Augustus C. Buell, this story has no villains. Naval Academy officials who maintained the fabrication over the years as well as critics who periodically called attention to its fictitious nature all did so in the best interest of the Navy and its midshipmen.”

That established, it continues “Dr. Bradford was not the first historian to question the reliability of Buell's scholarship. Because few in the United States had placed much importance on John Paul Jones prior to the turn of the 20th century, Buell's declaration that the naval hero had actually founded the Navy caused some immediate debate. Certainly Jones had been admired greatly during and after the American Revolution for his glorious, even audacious, victory over HMS Serapis. And a flurry of biographies during the 19th century celebrated Jones as a brave, self-made man of action. The Navy itself, however, had not held him in very high esteem; his exaggerated sense of personal honor [sic], poor leadership skills, violent temper, sexual excesses, and questionable national loyalty while serving abroad prevented him from being considered a model professional officer. Therefore, when Buell's biography of Jones cited newly discovered evidence proving that the naval hero deserved the coveted title, "Father of the Navy," critics asked to see his documentation and questioned the mythmaker's contention that Jones held progressive-era views on patriotism and professionalism. Buell, a journalist, civil engineer, and shipbuilder, responded defensively. He had failed to keep his research notes, he explained to reviewers, because he had assumed his study would be accepted as authoritative. He died in 1904 under a cloud of suspicion but before the public became aware of his wholesale distortions.”

Having therefore established the unreliability of Buell as an historical source, it now becomes necessary to revoke once and for all time any claim he might have had regarding knowledge pertaining to Jones’ alleged quote. Peter Reaveley told me by email “The Buell ravings are two volumes of plagiarism, invention, and nonsense, masquerading as history, and have confused many good people for 100 years. I have the MS. of Capt. Pearson's Court Martial, and the MS. of the Muster Roll of Serapis, and of course there was no Midshipman Hood , and no such remark by Capt. Pearson. [My emphasis RGH]” I must thank Peter for this very important contribution, and for clarifying once and for all the mystery of those so called – immortal words!!

The Mackenzie interpretation of the duel between Serapis and BonhommeRichard, not to scale, and only approximate. Mackenzie also, in a footnote says this to qualify his version:

“As considerable difference will be observable between the account of this battle, given in Mr. Cooper’s “Naval History” and the above [as indicated by the below RGH], it is proper to state, that Mr. Cooper has followed Mr. Dale’s description of the manoeuvres antecedent to the ships’ being grappled; whilst, in the present account, more reliance has been placed upon those of the two commanders, who directed the evolutions. Mr. Dale was stationed on the Richard’s main-deck, in a comparatively unfavourable position for observing the manoeuvres.” Consequently it has been decided to use the Mackenzie interpretation rather than any other to illustrate the evolutions between Serapis and BHR

8 th Position: Both ships foul fore and aft; Serapis’s larboard anchor on the bottom; her starboard caught in the BHR’s starboard quarter port, thus both vessels remained unto almost the close of action.       7 th Position: The BHR runs athwart the hawse of the Serapis. 6 th Position: BRH fills her topsails, and Serapis backs hers, which brings the two ships broadside and broadside.   5 th Position: BHR backs clear of Serapis. 4 th Position: Serapis not having room to cross BHR’s bow, luffs up, and BHR runs into her quarter. 3 rd Position: Serapis rakes BHR and attempts to cross her bow.       2 nd Position: Serapis passes to windward of BHR.     1 st Position: Battle commences at about 1930 hrs local time

[The Life of Paul Jones By Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, vol. 1, Harper Brothers, New York, 1845, pps 182-5 http://books.google.co.uk]

Chart 1191

The following schematic is based upon an early 19 th century British Admiralty chart No. 1191. It shows almost exactly the section of chart which the two British captains would have been familiar with. Superimposed upon this is a representation of the relative movements of the main elements of the battle, their direction of sail, and eventual fates. For those of a non-nautical background, the scale can be determined by the vertical divisions at the right edge of the chart, each division in this case equals one nautical mile. The location of the possible wreck site of the Bonhomme Richard is taken from the latest results as shown in Section 2 of this article, but at this stage is only conjectural.

Please click on image for a larger version

The following compared with the chart detail above that the two British captains had at their disposal, was minimal in the extreme. It could well be the best navigational information Jones had about features of the Eastern English coastline. It is dated 1777, and would have been quite possibly considered the most up to date chart then available outside the Royal Navy. A lack of precise navigational information, particularly concerning coastal shallows and shoals goes some way to explaining Jones’s frequently trying to obtain local information from the pilots who, thinking he was nothing more dangerous than a King’s Ship, especially as it was reported that he wore the blue frock coat similar to that of a Royal Navy captain, were often very willing to provide much of the information by Jones, despite the knowledge of his squadron’s presence offshore. Needless to say however, this oversimplification does not convey the entire circumstances about the navigational information available to captains such as Pearson and Jones. As with so many aspects of this investigation, the period was in a state of developmental flux. New advances were constantly being made in many fields of endeavour, not least in matters nautical and navigational. Concerning the availability of charts: “A [British] captain or commander preparing for a voyage in the 18th century would often copy original material at the Admiralty or in the hands of fellow officers; or purchase charts (mainly French ones) from commercial publishers. A lot of it is down to the foresight and energy of the individual officer. The organisation of a supply of authoritative charts to the Royal Navy only comes in after the creation of the Hydrographic Office.”
[Compiled by Phillip Clayton-Gore 07.09.06]
Cartography, the art and science of chart and map making was one such discipline undergoing serious advances. This was the time of James Cooke, another Yorkshireman, who expanded the world quite literally by his own endeavours – and Endeavour – pardon the pun!

Please click on image for a larger version

The damage to Bonhomme Richard was critical, shot from Serapis were flying in through one side of her, and out the other, the rudder and poop-deck were virtually shot away, but still she fought on, her three guns that were able to bare, bellowing their defiance. Their combined efforts against Serapis’ mainmast eventually bore fruit until all that kept it aloft was the remains of Bonhomme Richard’s own yards and rigging. Countess of Scarborough meanwhile, under heavy bombardment from Pallas hauled down her colours, Capt. Percy surrendering his ship to Capt. Ricot. They had drifted, and sailed a considerable distance to leeward and at that point, Alliance appeared out of the night. Being unsure which vessel had surrendered to which, her captain questioned both ships, until Ricot asked Landais "Do you want to take charge of the prize, or go aid the Commodore?" Alliance then tacked round, heading back towards John Paul Jones and the beleaguered Richard.

Sailors crawling along Bonhomme Richard’s yards, dropping grenades and bombs on the British and shooting at them with muskets, had made the upper deck of Serapis almost untenable. Alliance then arrived off the bow of Serapis, and the stern of Bonhomme Richard, much to the relief of Jones, who being the master tactician he was could see that if Alliance was to lay herself alongside Serape’s open side, and her men were to board, then Serapis would be defeated. However, Landais had his own ideas and instead of laying his ship alongside, he continued to manoeuvre and then let lose a second broadside into both vessels. As Alliance rounded the stern of Serapis, she loosed yet another broadside, doing much damage to her compatriot. Damage that she could have dearly done without. Suddenly the deck of Bonhomme Richard was swarming with Englishmen, but it soon became apparent that they were the prisoners Jones had been keeping onboard who had been released by his own master at arms in fear that the ship was about to sink. Jones was in such a temper that he raised his own pistol to his warrant officer and pulled the trigger. The gun however, misfired, so Jones hit the man over the head with it. One of the prisoners, thinking he could take advantage of Jones’s distraction, made a leap towards him, only to be brought low with a pistol shot fired by one of his men. It was enough to make the others think about their future, and they held off attacking Jones. A masterpiece of quick thinking, Jones shouted at the prisoners, that Bonhomme Richard was sinking under their feet, and unless they assisted with her seaworthiness, they would all soon find them selves swimming, which few of them were capable of. The hiatus was sufficient for about a dozen of Jones’s crew to reinforce him with loaded muskets, their chance had gone, and they were made to man the pumps as best they could.

One of the seamen engaged in dropping grenades onto Serapis’s deck then had a stroke of luck; one of his grenades fell and bounced down to her main deck battery, exploding amongst some ready use cartridges for the big guns. They all went up in a fireball of flame and deadly splinters, killing twenty men, and leaving the gun deck a bloody shambles of unseated cannon. Almost simultaneously, a shot finished off Serape’s main mast, the debris falling and crashing onboard both vessels. In the confusion, Jones had found time to muster a party of men to board Serapis. It was the final, humiliating event, Pearson could see no other option but to strike his colours and surrender his ship. The time was between ten thirty and eleven o’clock when captain Pearson went aboard Bonhomme Richard, and surrendered his sword to John Paul Jones. Jones however was still bitter that he had been so badly supported, Vengeance for example, instead of chasing and taking some of the convoy had simply stood off, in the role of spectator and taking no part either in chasing the convoy or assisting the commodore. About the behaviour of Alliance, he later said "the least one can say about the conduct of the Alliance is that it appeared to stem from a principal worse than ignorance or insubordination." Surely a veiled accusation of either treachery, or worse, cowardice. Pearson, as shocked as he was to lose his ship, could take some comfort that his erstwhile charges, the ships of the convoy were safely tucked up in the safety of Scarborough, and that was what he had been there to do. Jones had nothing but praise for the conduct of his defeated foe.

At the time Serapis surrendered, Bonhomme Richard was about half full of seawater, which had come from shot holes in her hull, and the application of water to the numerous fires, which had to be extinguished, added to the almost useless pumps, the water level increased. The following morning Jones made an examination of Bonhomme Richard, which was not completed until the evening. It was discovered that shot from the Alliance had almost destroyed her bow, and the decision was made to evacuate the ship in preference for the much more seaworthy Serapis. The transfer of men and materials took all night, and in the morning the wind and weather began to rise, as a consequence, Bonhomme Richard sank. After some basic repairs, the jury-rigging of masts and spars, Serapis (no longer entitled to her H.M.S. prefix) was sailed south and east towards Telex in Holland, under her new colours, a pattern of the Stars and Stripes, which was not destined to become accepted.

The final resting place of Bonhomme Richard has ever since remained a mystery until the late 1990’s, when the discovery of a timber built wreck was made on the seabed of Filey Bay. Confirmation that the wreck is that of Bonhomme Richard remains elusive, but the likelihood is, that she has been located. The underwater archaeology site report can be read at: http://members.tripod.co.uk/Fileybay/report.html The first image below shows the coastline from the high cliffs at Bempton northward, to Filey Brigg, in middle distance, to Scarborough cliff on the horizon, the second, Bempton cliff southwards showing Flamborough Head in the middle distance.

In order to present a fair and balanced account of the action under Flamborough Head on the night of the 23 rd September 1779, it is very necessary to compare with Jones’ account, that of his opponent, Captain Richard Pearson, of Serapis (44). In a letter to the British Admiralty Office, written as a prisoner of war on board the Pallas, frigate (32), he sets out his own account. This is not his official report, which if I could but locate it, would be considerably longer and more detailed. There is however sufficient content to understand the perspective from which Pearson viewed the engagement.

Pearson’s Account

“Admiralty office
October 12, 1779

A letter from Capt. Richard Pearson of his Majesty’s ship Serapis, to Mr. Stephens, of which the following is a copy, was yesterday received at this office.

Pallas, French Frigate, in Congress service, Texel, October 6, 1779.

Sir, you will be pleased to inform the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that on the 23 rd ult., being in close with Scarborough about 4 o’clock, a boat came on board with a letter from the bailiffs of that corporation giving information of a flying squadron of the enemy’s ships being on the coast, and a part of the said squadron having been seen from thence the day before, standing to the southward. As soon as I received this intelligence I made the signal for the convoy to bear down under my lee, and repeated it with two guns; notwithstanding which the van of the convoy kept their wind, with all sail stretching out to the southward under Flamborough Head, till between twelve and one, when the headmost of them got sight of the enemy’s ships, which were then in chase of them, they then tacked and made the best of their way under the shore for Scarborough, &c letting fly their top-gallant sheets, and firing guns; upon which I made all sail I could to windward, to get between the enemy’s ships and the convoy, which I soon effected. At one o’clock we got sight of the enemy’s ships from the masthead, and about 4 we made them plain from the deck to be three large ships and a brig, upon which I made the Countess of Scarborough a signal to join me, she being inshore with the convoy. At the same time I made a signal for the convoy to make the best of their way, and repeated the signal with two guns: I then brought to, to let the Countess of Scarborough come up, and cleared ship for action. At half past five the Countess of Scarborough joined me, the enemy’s ships bearing down on us with a light breeze at S.S.W., at six tacked, in order to keep our ground the better between the enemy’s ships and the convoy: soon after which we perceived the ships bearing down upon us to be a two-decked ship and two frigates, but from their keeping end on, and bearing upon us, we could not discern what colours they were under; at about twenty minutes past 7 the largest ship of the three brought to on our larboard bow, within musket-shot. I hailed him, and asked what ship it was; they answered in English, ‘The Princess Royal’. I then asked where they belonged to, they answered evasively ; on which I told them if they did not answer directly I would fire into them.; they then answered with a shot which was instantly returned with a broadside ; and after exchanging two or three broadsides, he backed his topsails, and dropt upon our quarter within pistol shot, then filled again, put his helm a-weather, and run us onboard upon our weather quarter, and attempted to board us, but being repulsed, he sheered off; upon which I backed our topsails in order to get square with him again, which, as soon as he observed, he then filled, put his helm a-weather, and laid us athwart hause; his mizzen-shrouds took our jib-boom, which hung him for some time until at last it gave way, and we dropt alongside of each other, head and stern, when the fluke of our spare anchor hooking his quarter, we became so close fore and aft, that the muzzles of our guns touched each others sides. In this position we engaged from half past 8 till half past 10, during which time, from the great quantity and variety of combustible matters which they threw in upon our decks, chains, and, in short, into every part of the ship, we were on fire no less than ten or twelve times, in different parts of the ship, and it was with the greatest difficulty and exertion imaginable at times that we were able to get it extinguished. At the same time the largest of the two frigates kept sailing round us the whole action and raking us fore and aft, by which means she killed or wounded almost every man on the quarter and main decks. At about half past 9, either from a hand-grenade being thrown in at one of our lower-deck ports, or from some other accident, a cartridge of powder was set on fire, the flames of which running from cartridge to cartridge all the way aft, blew up the whole of the people and officers that were quartered abaft the main-mast; from which unfortunate circumstance all those guns were rendered useless for the remainder of the action, and, I fear, the greatest part of the people will lose their lives. At 10 o’clock they called for quarters from the ship alongside, and said they had struck; hearing this I called upon the captain to know if he had struck, or if he asked for quarters, but no answer being made after repeating my words two or three times, I called for the boarders and ordered them to board, which they did; but the moment they were on board her they discovered a superior number laying under cover with pikes in their hands, ready to receive them, on which our people retreated instantly to their guns again till past 10, when the frigate coming across our stern and pouring her broadside into us again, without our being able to bring a gun to bear on her, I found it in vain and indeed impracticable from the situation we were in, to stand out any longer with the least prospect of success. I therefore struck (our main-mast at the same time went by the board). The first lieutenant and myself were immediately escorted into the ship alongside, when we found her to be an American ship-of-war, called the Bon home Richard of 40 guns and 375 men, commanded by Capt. Paul Jones, the other frigate who engaged us to be the Alliance of 40 guns and 300 men, and the third frigate, which engaged and took the Countess of Scarborough after two hours’ action, to be the Pallas, a French frigate of 32 guns and 275 men, the Vengeance, an armed brig of 12 guns, and 70 men, all in Congress service under the command of Paul Jones. They fitted out and sailed from Port L’ Orient the latter end of July, and came north about; they have onboard 300 English prisoners which they have taken in different vessels in their way round since they left France, and have ransomed some others. On my going on board the Bon home Richard I found her to be in the greatest distress; her counters and quarter on the lower deck entirely drove in, and the whole of her lower deck guns dismounted; she was also on fire in two places, and six or seven feet of water in her hold, which kept increasing on them all night and the next day, till they were obliged to quit her, and she sank with a great number of her wounded people on board her. She had 306 men killed and wounded in the action; out loss in Serapis was also very great. My officers and people in general behaved well, and I should be very remiss in my attention to their merit, were I to omit recommending the remains of them to your Lordships’ favour.

“Herewith I enclose you the most exact list of the killed and wounded as I have yet been able to procure, from my people being dispersed among the different ships, and having been refused permission to muster them; they are, I find, many more both killed and wounded than appears in the enclosed list, but their names I find as yet impossible to ascertain; as soon as I possibly can, I shall give their Lordships a full account of the whole.

I am, Sir, &c.,

R. Pearson”

[The Life and Character of John Paul Jones, A Captain in the United States Navy During the Revolutionary War, by John Henry Sherburne, Second Edition, 1851 pp 123 – 126 at: http://books.google.co.uk/ ]

It is an interesting exercise to compare this account with those of the Americans then present, and to note the verbal exchanges as reported by Pearson, and witnesses from his opponents. Also of interest is the claim that it was Bonhomme Richard that fired the first shot, with, allegedly, no indication of the colours he was flying, or should have been flying at the commencement of a naval engagement, according to the precepts of naval engagements at that time. Jones, nor any of his officers as far as I am aware, made any allusion to the use of a ruse de guerre such as that mentioned by Pearson when he claims that Jones identified the Bonhomme Richard as the British ship of war, the ‘Princess Royal’, even if, as he alludes, he was not fooled by any of the charade, and had his own broadside well prepared for any eventuality.

List of Serapis Wounded – the infamous ‘Butcher’s Bill’

‘A more perfect idea of the dreadful havoc on board the Serapis may be obtained from the official list of the wounded prisoners taken in that ship; and it may gratify the curiosity of those readers who are desirous of learning more particularly the multiplied afflictions to which persons engaged in naval warfare are exposed.

List of wounded prisoners on board the Serapis
September 30 th, 1779

The Following Miserably Scorched:

Abraham Portsmouth; Mr. Mycock; Mr. Popplewell; Thomas Rivers; William Bennet; Joseph Springale; William Searcher; Thomas Sandwell, boy; Benjamin Pickersgill; Thomas Hyslop; Jeremy Murphy; Charles Metcalf; John Laurence; George Lever; James Caw; John Paul; Robert Ingram; James Hall; Richard Seaton; Alexander Hutchinson; William Crow; Thomas Weeks; John Ashby; Seven or eight lascars.

Dead of their Wounds

Mr. Brown, Master’s mate; Mr. Place, Boatswain; John Jones, Marine Private; Edward Vernon; Patrick Sulivan; John Ellison; John Appleby; Michael --, Captain’s servant.

Besides one or two others whose names could not be ascertained.

Wm. Bannatyne, English Surgeon.

[Life and Character of the Chevalier John Paul Jones; by John Henry Sherburne; published 1825, sold by Wilder & Campbell.]

A full verbatim transcription of the proceedings of the Court Martial convened to inquire into the loss of Serapis and Countess of Scarborough by Captains Pearson and Piercy respectively, can be seen HERE, or by clicking the appropriate sub-section on the navigation-bar.

Pallas and Countess of Scarborough

A much abbreviated account from Captain Piercy was reported in the London magazine in which it says: “Captain Piercy confirms this account [see Capt. Pearson’s letter], and adds, that at the beginning of the action he made sail to assist the Serapis; but finding her and the ships she was engaging with so close together and covered with smoke, so that he could not distinguish one from the other, he shortened sail and engaged the Pallas for near two hours, when, being so unfortunate as to have all his braces, great part of the running rigging, main and mizzen-topsail sheets shot away; 7 guns dismounted, 4 men killed and 20 wounded; and another frigate coming up, he saw it was in vain any longer to continue the contest and was obliged to strike to such a superior force.”
[The London Magazine January to June 1824, vol. IX, Taylor and Hessey, 93 Fleet Street, London, pp 498. http://books.google.co.uk]

For the full letter from Capt. Piercy to the Admiralty Office, refer to York Courant pages, see 19 th October 1779 edition.
York Courant

The conduct of both Commodores after their arrival at the Texel, seemed to be from the following agreement, to have been conducted in good faith, and in the manner of ‘Gentlemen’, and in full accordance with the strictures contained within the Letter of Marque “consistent with the Usages and Customs of Nations.”
The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States , Volume 3
Agreement between John Paul Jones and Captain Pearson.*
[Note *: * MSS. Dep. of State; 5 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 268.]
It is hereby agreed between John Paul Jones, captain in the American navy, commander of the Continental squadron, now in the road of Texel, and Richard Pearson, captain in the British navy, late commodore of the British Baltic fleet, and now a prisoner of war to the United States of North America, as follows:
* First. Captain Jones freely consents, in behalf of the United States, to land on the island of Texel the dangerously wounded prisoners now in his hands, to be there supported and provided with good surgeons and medicine at the expense of the United States of America, and, agreeable to the permission which he has received from the States-General of Holland, to guard them with sentinel in the fort on the Texel, with liberty to remove them from thence at his free will and pleasure.
* Second. Captain Pearson engages, in behalf of the British Government, that all the British prisoners that may be landed as mentioned in the last article shall be considered afterwards as prisoners of war to the United States of America until they are exchanged, except only such as may in the mean time die of their wounds.
* Third. Captain Pearson further engages, in behalf of the British Government, that, should any of the British subjects now prisoners of war in the hands of Captain Jones desert or abscond, either from the fort on the Texel or otherwise, in consequence of the first article, an equal number of American prisoners shall be released and sent from England to France by the next cartel.
* Fourth. And Captain Jones engages, on the part of the United States, that if any of the prisoners who shall be landed should die while on shore in his custody in the fort, no exchange of them shall be claimed.

Done on board the American frigate the Pallas, at anchor in the Texel, this 3d day of October, 1779.

* R. Pearson.
* John Paul Jones.

[http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?hlaw:10:./temp/~ammem_5X4X]

The above photo-montage is needless to say a complete fake. I have unashamedly borrowed an image from www.civfanatics.net/ to whom go my sincere apologies not only for borrowing the image without permission, but also for changing the original so radically as to make it almost unrecognisable. However, I think it does go some way to illustrating just how the battle might have appeared during the late twilight of that September 23rd. I hope therefore that I will be forgiven by one and all for this incredible cheat. Because of the method of photographic manipulation, I have decided it best represents the battle between Pallas and Countess of Scarborough.

Captain Cotineau of the Pallas, engaged the enemy’s lesser ship, which struck after a severe engagement of two hours and a half. She proved to be the Countess of Scarborough. Her braces were all cut away, as well as her running-rigging and top-sail sheets. Seven of her guns were dismounted: four men killed and twenty wounded.
[A New American Biographical Dictionary; http://books.google.co.uk ]

Capt. Denis N. Cottineau State Historical Marker
Located along the west fence within Colonial Park Cemetery, Savannah
32°04.511, 081°05.442

CAPT. DENIS N. COTTINEAU
(1745-1808)

This grave links Savannah with one of history's greatest naval dramas -- the epic fight in 1779 between the "Bon Homme Richard" and "Serapis" in which John Paul Jones immortalized himself.

Denis Nicolas Cottineau de Kerloguen received a commission in the Continental navy during the American Revolution. Commanding the slow sailing "Pallas" during the famous naval engagement of Sept. 23, 1779, Capt. Cottineau, by skillful seamanship, forced H.M.S. "Countess of Scarborough" to strike her colors. He was subsequently wounded in a duel with another officer, Pierre Landais, against whom Commodore Jones made serious charges after the battle.

Cottineau later settled in the French West Indies. During the slave insurrection in San Domingo he fled to Pennsylvania where he joined several fellow French refugees in establishing a colony. Suffering from a "lingering illness," he came to Savannah early in 1808. Capt. Cottineau died here, Nov. 29 of that year, at the residence of the Abbe Carles. Cottineau's widow was the sister of the Marquis de Montalet who once owned the Hermitage plantation near Savannah.

In 1928 Ambassador Paul Claudel of France knelt in homage here at the grave of the gallant Frenchman who helped establish the prestige of the infant American navy.

Meeting the BonHomme Richard off Leith, Scotland:
Sir John Anstruther who owned a mansion on the north shore of the Firth of Forth was worried the American pirate might attack. He had a cannon and shot to protect himself but no powder, so he sent his yacht out to borrow a barrel of gunpowder from HMS Romney, which was nearby. The yacht mistook the Bonhoome [sic] Richard for the Romney. In return for information on coastal defences innocently given by the boatmen, ironically, Jones gave him the gunpowder.
“They run nigh to the largest ship and when within hail of hir were desired to keep off, which they did, but upon their tacking from them were called back and no sooner alongside than Andrew Paton was ordered on board and carried down to the Caben where he continued about two hourse. Stevens while on the Gunnel observed that all the officers on the quarterdeck were drest in Blew turn'd up with white the same as in the British Navy. the ship had three boats & a Norway shaft belonging to her, one of which boats were out, and armed with four serwivels & Small Arms, two Officers a Cocksween & eight men. They think the boat is Spanish or Frensch build by having apron bow ... The lower deck ports being Eight of a side were all fast caught in. She had fifteen ports on Each Side on the upper deck with three guns on Each Side of the quarter deck ... The officer on the quarter deck ask't Patton what force was in Lieth Road & was answered two armed ships and two cutters soon after which they put into the boat a bagg containing 100 weight Gun Powder with a letter addressed to Sir John Anstruther with Captain Johnston of the Romley's compliments to Sir John and that he had retained Patton as a Pilot for Lieth Roads and sent him (Sir John) the powder for his own defence desiring the payment might be made to [blank] house in Edinburgh when demanded. The whole Crew were Clean drest and seemed all to be British that nothing but English was spoken while they were along side.”
http://www.jpj.demon.co.uk/jpjboatman.htm
Provided this account is reliable, and there should be little reason to doubt it, then the description of the Bon Homme Richard and her compliment is particularly interesting.

The following anecdote from the annals of the county of Northumberland is of interest simply because it indicates the palpable panic and paranoia imbued in British minds because of an enemy so close to British shores. That Jones would even have dreamt of making a landing in order to steal Alnwick Castle’s rents is of course ludicrous on many levels of logic. That the castle bailiff felt the need to reinforce the castle with a local detachment of militia tells of the raw fear felt at the arrival of Jones’ squadron off the northeast coast. It is a wonderful but brief insight into the mindset of the ‘public’ rather than that of the military.

1779 (Sept 23)

Paul Jones appeared off the coast of Northumberland, after having made a regular progress round Scotland. He had become so notorious, that his appearance on this coast, where he lingered a whole day and captured a sloop, caused a great consternation. It happened a few days before, that the Duke of Northumberland’s audit, had been held at the castle [Alnwick – RGH], and the whole of the rents, mostly paid in gold, were deposited there, these would have afforded a grand prize for the pirate, had he been aware of the circumstance. The bailiff of the castle was most firmly persuaded that Paul knew of the audit, and had come expressly for the purpose of carrying off the cash, as he had done at Lord Selkirk’s, in Scotland, a few weeks before. Under this impression, he prevailed upon the commander of the Huntingdonshire Militia to garrison the castle, and prepare some cannon for its defence during the night. Accordingly the gates were barricaded and every preparation made for the repelling of an assault, but, however, the castle was left unmolested as Paul had proceeded on his voyage, and on the above day, meeting with the Baltic fleet near Flamborough Head, on the coast of Yorkshire, convoyed by the Serapis frigate of 44 guns, commanded by Captain Pearson, and the Countess of Scarborough, armed ship of 20 guns, commanded by Captain Thomas Piercy, a very severe action took place, in which Jones was victorious, and the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough were taken, but the convoy escaped……..

Mr. Parker, of Newcastle, has painted and lithographed a portrait of old Taylor of Cullercoats, who lost his arm and an eye in the engagement with Paul Jones.

Subsequent to the battle, the fates of the main protagonists naturally diverged, but before their story is ended, there remain some matters to be considered, not least the awards presented to the two British captains for their gallantry in preserving the very valuable convoy.

One item of what is today referred to as ‘collateral damage’ occurred because Jones was in need of local intelligence concerning navigational hazards such as shallows and shoals [compare the two charts above RGH] off Bridlington and Holderness. Off Spurn Point, he was boarded by an English pilot named John Jackson, thinking the black hulled ship off shore was a King’s Ship needing pilotage towards Hull. Jackson was kept onboard the BonhommeRichard for his local knowledge, but it was his misfortune that the next day he was severely wounded with the loss of an arm during the ensuing battle. Wanting to put matters right with Jackson, Jones issued to Jackson a certificate as a sign of his apparently genuine remorse at Jackson’s loss. The certificate concludes “Deeply impressed with a sense of his (Jackson’s) misfortune and earnestly desiring to make this Poor Man and his family what recompense lays in my power, I have given him in hand this day an Hundred Ducats – and I do also promise on behalf of the United States that shall receive half pay as a pilot the remainder of his life, to commence from the date hereof, payable every six months by the American Ambassador at the Court of France….”

[Yorkshire Life Illustrated magazine, August, 1954, p. 16]

Peter Reaveley, when asked if the US government had either been asked to honour this certificate or not replied:

“John Jackson was one of the two pilots JPJ lured out from the pilot station at the end of Spurn Point a day or two previously, when he intended to sail up the Humber and ransom the port of Hull. Unfortunately for JPJ the wind and the tide both turned and he could not make it. JPJ later released one of the pilots, Samuel Standridge, in his pilot boat since pilots were regarded as non-combatants. However, he detained John Jackson to assist him with his knowledge of the local seas, and his pilot boat would make a useful little tender. JPJ intended to release Jackson later, and Jackson had liberty to walk the quarterdeck.

Jackson was assisting at the pump-brakes on the BHR's quarterdeck towards the end of the battle when he was wounded by one of the raking broadsides of canister and grapeshot fired by the American frigate Alliance into both BHR and Serapis.

Jackson was released with the other English prisoners at the Texel in February 1780. Jackson never received any of his half pay promised by JPJ, primarily because, having no Federal taxation system, the Americans did not have much money for the first ten years after winning their war for independenc e.”

So then, while the certificate proved valueless to Pilot Jackson, by its preservation however, it has become another intriguing item in this story. Sadly, searches for this item by the staff of Hull Maritime Museum where it was reportedly lodged, failed to locate it. www.yorkshirehistory.com hopes that if and when this certificate re-appears as it should do eventually, to be able to provide a representation of it.

One point further concerning local pilots is made in the appendices of John E. Walsh’s book, in which he says “He [Dale] has made a slip of memory, however, in saying that on coming topside he inquired of an English pilot (taken captive some days before) what fleet it was, receiving the reply that it was ‘the Baltic fleet under convoy of the Serapis of 44 guns, and the Countess of Scarborough of 20 guns.’ The pilot might have guessed that it was the Baltic convoy, but he could hardly have known who the escorts were.” Being as the Countess was a local ship locally built, which had served as trade protection vessel for the port of Hull and places nearby for some time, she was a well known and one suspects instantly recognisable ship, especially to a pilot, who’s job it was to know local shipping. Serapis too would have likely been recognisable to him and his divulging of their names and rates could have been an effort to thwart any intent to interfere with the convoy or its escorts.

[Night on Fire: The First Full Account of John Paul Jones’s Greatest Battle by John Evangelist Walsh, imprint New York, USA McGraw-Hill Book Co. 1978, p. 143]

Further to this is the tale of the Crow Isle. Peter Reaveley provided the following narrative “Jackson's pilot boat was used by the BHR's 2nd Lt. Henry Lunt to go into Bridlington Bay around mid-day on Thursday, 23 Sept., to cut out the small brig Crow Isle, which had anchored in Bridlington Bay because the harbour was jammed with ships and fishing boats sheltering from JPJ and his Squadron. The BHR had chased the Crow Isle ashore down at Withernsea a couple of days previously, and the bar shot is from one of BHR's quarterdeck 8-pounders [approx. 4 inch diameter] which the BHR had been firing at the Crow Isle.”

[Image courtesy of Hull Maritime Museum]

To illustrate this event yet further, a commemorative plate designed and manufactured in so called “Blue and White” transfer still survives, the plate depicts the Bonhomme Richard and the Crow Isle, but, their ensigns are on the wrong ships, one of those little errors that make provincial pottery such a delight. Part of the Hull Museum’s collection since 1900, when it was handed over to them from the Hull Literary and Philosophical Society, it bears on the back, a mark indicating it was made by the Belle Vue pottery, Humber Bank, Hull. This plate originally belonged to a full dinner service and, being the soul survivor of that service, the plate was donated to the museum by “the late Charles Hassell, grandson of the late Francis Hall of Hull, who was the owner of the Crow Isle, Baltic Trader” who it was presumably originally commissioned the service.

[Artists and craftsmen of Hull and East Yorkshire by Arthur G. Credland; with a chapter on Hull sculptors by Geraldine Mulcahy: Publisher; Kingston upon Hull Museums and Art Gallery, 2000, pp. 174]

Once again, my sincere thanks to Arthur Credland and Susan Capes of the Hull Maritime Museum for their assistance in allowing this to be shared.

A copy made from John Paul Jones’ original report to the US Congress via Dr. Benjamin Franklin describing the action off Flamborough Head is held by the United States Library of Congress. What follows is the initial introduction, followed thereafter by Jones’ description of the battle. The narrative concerning the earlier part of Jones’ cruise has been removed in order to make the entire report more pertinent to the battle. Spellings, punctuation, and capitalisation are where possible, original.

From contemporary copy in the Library of Congress

ON BOARD THE SHIP OF WAR SERAPIS, AT ANCHOR WITHOUT THE TEXAL, IN HOLLAND, Octr. 3, 1779.

HONORED & DEAR SIR, When I had the honor of writing to you on the 11 August, previous to my departure from the Road of Groa, I had before me the most flattering prospect of rendering essential Service to the Common Cause of France and America. I had a full confidence in the Voluntary inclination & Ability of every Captain under my Command, to assist & Support me in my duty With cheerful Emulation ; & I Was persuaded that Every one of them Would pursue Glory in preference to intrest.

Whether I Was, or Was not deceived, Will best appear by a relation of Circumstances.

The Little Squadron under my orders, Consisting of the B. H. R., [Bon Homme Richard RGH] of 40 guns ; the Alliance, of 36 guns ; the Pallas, of 32 guns ; the Cerf, of 18 guns ; and the Vengeance, of 12 guns ; joyned by two privateers, the Monsieur and the Granville, Sailed from the Road of Groa at Daybreak on the 14. of August ; the Same day We Spoke With a Large Convoy bound from the Southward to Brest…………………..

………………….. On the morning of that day, the 23, the brig from Holland not being in Sight, we chaced a brigantine that appeared Laying too to Winward. About noon We Saw and chaced a large ship that appeared Coming round Flamborough Head, from the Northward, and at the same time I manned and armed one of the pilot boats to send in pursuit of the brigantine, Which now appeared to be the Vessel that I had forced ashore. Soon after this a fleet of 41 Sail appeared of Flamborough Head, bearing N. N. E.; this induced me to abandon the Singl Ship Which had then anchored in Burlington Bay [Bridlington Bay RGH]; I also Called back the pilot boat and hoisted a Signal for a general chace. When the fleet discovered us bearing down, all the merchant ships Crowded Sail towards the Shore. The two Ships of War that protected the fleet, at the Same time Steered from the land, and made the disposition for the battle. In approaching the Enemy I crowded Every possible Sail, and made the Signal for the line of battle, to Which the Alliance Showed no attention. Earnest as I Was for the action, I Could not reach the Commodore's Ship until Seven in the evening, being then within pistol shot. When he hailed the B. H. R., we answered him by firing a Whole broadside.

The battle being thus begun, Was [sic] Continued With unremitting fury. Every method was practised on both Sides to gain an advantage, and rake Each other ; and I must Confess that the Enemie's Ship being much more manageable than the B. H. R., gained thereby several times an advantageous situation, in spite of my best endeavours to prevent it. As I had to deal With an Enemy of greatly Superior force, I was under the necessity of Closing with him, to prevent the advantage Which he had over me in point of manoeuvre.

It was my intention to lay the B. H. R. athwart the enemie's bow, but as that operation required great dexterity in the management of both Sails and helm, and Some of our braces being Shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my Wishes, the Enemie's bowsprit, however, came over the B. H. R.'s poop by the mizen mast, and I made both Ships fast together in that Situation, Which by the action of the Wind on the Enemie's Sails, forcer her Stern close to the B. H. R.'s bow, so that the Ships lay Square along side of each other, the yards being all entagled, and the cannon of Each Ship touching the opponent's Side. When this position took place it Was 8 o'clock, previous to which the B. H. R. had received sundry eighteen pounds Shot below the water, and Leaked Very much. My battery of 12 pounders, on Which I had placed my chief dependance, being Commanded by Lieut. Deal and Col. Weibert, and manned principally with American seamen, and French Volunteers, Were entirely silenced and abandoned. As to the six old eighteen pounders that formed the Battery of the Lower gun-deck, they did no Service Whatever: two out of three of them burst at the first fire, and killed almost all the men Who Were stationed to manage them. before this time too, Col. de Chamillard, Who Commanded a party of 20 soldiers on the poop had abandoned that Station, after having lost some of his men. I had now only two pieces of Cannon, nine pounders, on the Quarter deck that Were not silenced, and not one of the heavyer Cannon Was fired during the rest of the action. The purser, Mr. Mease, Who Commanded the guns on the Quarter deck, being dangerously Wounded in the head, I was obliged to fill his place, and With great difficulty rallied a few men, and Shifter over one of the Lee quarter-deck guns, So that We afterward played three pieces of 9 pounders upon the Enemy. The tops alone Seconded the fire of this little battery, and held out bravely during the Whole of the action; Especially the main top, Where Lieut. Stack commanded. I directed the fire of one of the three Cannon against the main-mast, With double-headed Shot, While the other two Were exceedingly Well Served With Grape and Cannister Shot to Silence the Enemie's musquetry, and clear her decks, Which Was at last Effected. The Enemy Were, as I have Since understood, on the instant of Calling for quarters, When the Cowardice or treachery of three of my under officers induced them to Call to the Enemy. The English Commodore asked me if I demanded quarters, and I having answered him in the most determined negative, they renewed the battle with Double fury ; they Were unable to Stand the deck, but the fire of their Cannon, especially the lower battery, Which Was Entirely formed of 18 pounders, Was incessant, both Ships Were Set on fire in Various places, and the Scene was dreadful beyond the reach of Language. To account for the timidity of my three under officers, I mean the gunner, the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must observe that the two first Were Slightly Wounded, and as the Ship had received Various Shots under Water, and on of the pumps being Shot away, the Carpenter Expressed his fear that she Should Sin, and the other two concluded that She Was Sinking; Which occasioned the gunner to run aft on the poop without my Knowledge, to Strike the Colours. fortunately for me, a Cannon ball had done that before, by carrying away the ensign staff: he was therefore reduced to the necessity of Sinking, as he Supposed, or of Calling for quarter, and he preferred the Latter.

All this time the B. H. R. has Sustained the action alone, and the Enemy, though much Superior in force, Would have been Very glad to have got clear, as appears by their own acknowledgements, and by their having let go an anchor the instant that I laid them on board, by Which means they Would have escaped had I not made them well fast to the B. H. R.

At last, at half past 9 o'clock, the Alliance appeared, and I now thought the battle was at an End; but, to my utter astonishment, he discharged a broadside full into the stern of the B. H. R. We called to him for God's Sake to forbear firing into the B. H. R.; yet he passed along the off Side of the Ship and continued firing. There was no possibility of his mistaking the Enemie's Ship for the B. H. R., there being the most essential difference in their appearance and Construction; besides, it Was then full moon Light, and the Sides of the B. H. R. Were all black, while the Sides of the prizes Were yellow. yet, for the greater Security, I Shewed the Signal of our reconnoissance, by putting out three Lanthorns, one at the head, (Bow,) another at the Stern, (Quarter,) and the third in the middle, in a horizontal line. Every tongue Cried that he Was firing into the Wrong Ship, but nothing availed; he passed round, firing into the B. H. R.'s head, stern, and broadside, and by one of his Vollies Killed several of my best men, and mortally wounded a good officer on the forecastle. My Situation Was really deplorable. The B. H. R. received various Shot under Water from the Alliance; the Leack gained on the pump, and the fire increased much on board both Ships. Some officers persuaded me to strike, of Whose Courage and good sense I entertain an high opinion. My treacherous master-at-arms let Loose all my prisoners Without my Knowledge, and my prospect became gloomy indeed. I Would not, however, give up the point. The Enemie's main-mast begain to shake, their firing decreased, our Rather increased, and the British colours Were Struck at half an hour past 10 o'clock.

This prize proved to be the British Ship of War the Serapis, a New Ship of 44 guns, built on their most approved Construction, With two compleat batteries, one of them of 18 pounders, and Commanded by the brave Commodore Richard Pearson. I had yet two enemies to encounter far more formidable than the britons; I mean fire and Water. The Serapis Was attacked only by the first, but the B. H. R. Was assailed by both: there Was five feet Water in the hould, and Tho it Was moderate from the Explosion of so much gunpowder, yet the three pumps that remained Could With difficulty only Keep the Water from gaining. The fire broke out in Various parts of the Ship, in spite of all the Water that could be thrown to quench it, and at length broke out as low as the powder magazine, and Within a few inches of the powder. in that dilema, I took out the powder upon the deck, ready to be thrown overboard at the Last Extremity, and it was 10 o'clock the next day, the 24, before the fire Was entirely Extinguished. With respect to the situation of the B. H. R., the rudder Was Cut entirely off, the stern frame, and the transoms Were almost Entirely Cut away, the timbers, by the lower Deck especially, from the mainmast to the Stern, being greatly decayed with age, Were mangled beyond my power of description, and a person must have been an Eye-Witness to form a just idea of the tremendous scene of Carnage, Wreck, and ruin, that Every Where appeared. Humanity Cannot but recoil from the prospect of Such finished horror, and Lament that War Should produce Such fatal consequences.

After the Carpenters, as well as Capt. de Cottineau, and other men of Sense, had Well Examined and Surveyed the Ship, (Which Was not finished before five in the Evening,) I found every person to be Convinced that it Was impossible to keep the B.H.R. afloat so as to reach a port if the Wind Should increase, it being then only a Very moderate breeze. I had but Little time to remove my Wounded, which now became unavoidable, and Which Was effected in the Course of the night and the next morning. I Was determined to Keep the B. H. R. afloat, and, if possible, to bring her into port. For that purpose, the first lieutenant of the Pallas continued on board, With a party of men to attend the pumps, With boats in Waiting ready to take them on board, in Case