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THE MIDDLE
By 1300, the place was filling up with people and buildings, although what manner of buildings we can only presume. Being as it was, little more than sand dunes, little different perhaps the Spurn of today, some have theorised that nothing but timber buildings could have been erected. That fact has not stopped houses, bigger and heavier houses being built there in recent times for the crew members and their families of the RNLI Lifeboat station currently based there. Certainly timber buildings and dwellings would have been extant, but I feel that the existence of masonry structures too cannot be completely discounted. In 1297 there were 36 taxpayers, but no estimate was, or could be made of those who were not taxpayers, no those who by fair means or foul, managed to avoid paying taxes [there are always some!]. Other buildings more likely perhaps to be built of timber included shops, cottages, fish curing sheds, warehouses, quays, taverns, and worse, and other offices necessary for the maintenance of a port and town. One stone building certainly existed, the church, or more accurately, the chapel of ease, which was dependant upon its mother church of the parish of Easington on the mainland.
Concerning the layout of the town, some sparse evidence has surfaced:
“As well as Meaux Abbey, Thornton Abbey [in Lincolnshire], the hospital of St. Leonard’s, York and Swine nunnery all had interests in the town: Thornton for instance, had a plot of land, described as being 89 feet wide by 240 feet long towards the Humber, adjoining the abbey’s quay. Chance documents have preserved the names of some of the streets: Kirk Lane, Newgate, The Common Lane (vanella), and Hull Street. The trade was mainly in fish, with many herring stores and fish curing sheds, perhaps like those that can still be seen under the cliff at Whitby. Herring were sold to the lords of Holderness by the thousands in the 1260’s and 70’s: Rottenherring, surname of one of the leading Ravnser families, is derived from the Germanic name of the red herring. Some boats brought fish only to the port; but trade in wool, wine, timber, skins, salt, oil, pitch and tar is also known from the customs accounts, which show that in the first years of the 14 th century more than one hundred ships entered the port annually. The town had its own windmill; and a church dedicated to St. Mary, with a churchyard…”
[The Yorkshire Coast, edited by David B. Lewis, Normandy Press, 1991, ISBN 0 9507665 3 4, Chpr. 10, pp. 149 – 155: Ravenser Odd, A Lost East Yorkshire Town, by Barbara English, Dept. of History, University of Hull, p. 151.]
The merchants of the Rottenherring family were not isolated to business at Odd, they had held property in Hull since before 1293, when John secured a plot hard by the confluence of the rivers Hull and Humber, this was subsequently consolidated by additional sub-plots amounting to a street frontage in 1347 of some 55 feet, with an annual rent payable to the king of 21s. 10d. Of the other influential mercantile family, the De La Pole’s, they do not appear in the Hull records until 1347, a date of consequence to Ravenser Odd.
[Changing Plan of Hull, 1290 – 1650; Rosemary Horrox]
In the November of 1304, while the king was in residence at Burstwick in Holderness, he issued two writs summoning a parliament to assemble at Westminster on the 16 th of February following. The writ commanded the sheriff of the county of York that two knights be elected for the county, two citizens for each city, and two burgesses for each borough in the county. As a result, two burgesses each from Ravenser Odd, Kingston upon Hull, Scarborough and Beverley were so elected. Those returned for Odd were named as Peter atte See de Ravenser, whose seconders/supporters were listed as Walter de Cabhorn and John atte See, the other was William Pailleleve who was supported by William Balli and William del Hulle.
The ‘Hammer of the Scots’, king Edward I, died in 1307, to be succeeded by his less adept, some say effete son, Edward II. Ranged against him was Robert de Brus, also known as Robert the Bruce, by then the unopposed king of the Scots. Edward’s first foray against ‘the Bruce’ began with injunctions to maritime towns and ports to furnish him with a fleet of ships, numbering in all, 48 vessels, that were then to be sent to Ireland where they would embark troops to be sent against Scotland. Of this fleet, one vessel was requested from Odd that was to be “well equipped with sufficient and defensible men, and well furnished with other necessary things”. This fleet never went to Dublin, but was re-ordered directly to Scotland to rendezvous with John of Argyle, there to attack the king’s enemies where ever they might be located. 1310 saw Odd not only fell victim to Dutch pirates, the reciprocal was also true. An early parliament of Edward’s resolved to try and reduce the dual depredations. The earl of Holland was represented by Christian de Paphurst, and between both parties they would hear and address the many grievances. One such, dated 14 th January, 1310, was from merchants of Odd of which the following is the principal. “Peter Attsee and John his son, Walter de Cakhowe, John de Bradele, Thomas de Stamelmere, Richard Trunk, and John Trenthemer, our burgesses and merchants of Ravenesere,
Who lately, by certain men of your dominions [the Earl of Holland’s dominion] were robbed of their goods and merchandise, to the amount of £461 14s 8d., as with grievous complaint they have shown unto us.”
Edward II’s Bannockburn campaign of 1314 was a complete fiasco from the English standpoint, merchants of Odd together with those of other ports had been instructed to provide corn and other victuals for the army, failure to do so, or if they were discovered trading it to other places would have incurred severe penalties. After the defeat by the banks of the Bannock Burn 23 and 24 June 1314, Edward returned to York, and set about rebuilding his army, from where further instructions to 22 English ports were sent. That to Odd demanded another single ship, defensibly arrayed, but the mini-ice-age of the time was creating havoc with harvests, and a severe deficiency of provisions prevented further military incursions. The ships however were employed on blockade duty to prevent supplies reaching an even worse deprived Scotland. Merchants were under the very strictest instruction not to trade with Scotland in corn, flesh, or any other kind of victuals or armour. Several similar ‘charters’ were called for by the Crown on English shipping over the next few decades, included amongst which was Ravenser Odd, which had on most cases to supply either one or two vessels at the town’s own expense.
IN 1312, the burgesses of Odd applied to procure from Edward II confirmation of their charter. This charter of inspeximus, inspection, was granted and dated at York, the 6 th march 1312. Exchequer Rolls of the same year confirm that Ravenser Odd paid a fine of £50 for the said privilege, and also for seven years of quayage. The application for the rights of quayage were made from 1312, records of which are housed at the National Archive, Kew, London. This repository houses several items relating to Odd, the details of this are as follows: SC 8/68/3380
[c.1312-c. 1330]
Scope and content Petitioners: Burgesses of Ravenser Odd.
Addressees: King and council.
Places mentioned: Ravenser Odd, [East Riding of Yorkshire]; River Humber.
Nature of request: The burgesses of Ravenser Odd state that their town is located on a sandbank between the sea and the Humber, and that their harbour is silting up through lack of custody of the quayage, which has long been in various hands, so that merchants cannot enter the harbour with their goods, and the king is losing his customs and rent. They ask that the quayage might be granted to them and their successors, for the improvement of the harbour and the town.
Endorsement: Coram rege.
Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description
Held by The National Archives, Kew.
After the death of Edward II, and the coronation of his successor, Edward III, some aspects of the charter granted to Odd had, it seems, according to certain of the king’s officers, fallen into abeyance due to the lack of them ever being enforced, this is evidenced by a petition made by the burgesses of Odd to Edward III in the year 1320:
SC 8/87/4306
[1320]
Scope and content Petitioners: Burgesses of Ravenser Odd.
Addressees: King and council.
Places mentioned: Ravenser Odd, [East Riding of Yorkshire].
Other people mentioned: Edward [I], King of England; [Adam de] Lymbergh.
Nature of request: The burgesses of Ravenser Odd state that King Edward, the king's father granted them various franchises, which the present King has confirmed, including that they should not plead or be impleaded concerning their own tenures, or trespasses or contracts made within the borough, other than in the borough before their warden, but the justices of Common Bench and other courts refuse to allow them this franchise because they cannot show that it has been used before - as no relevant case has come up since their charter was granted. They request a writ to the justices of each court to allow them their franchise according to the purport of their grant.
Endorsement: Coram rege. They are to go to Chancery and show their charters there, and they are to have a remedy there.
Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description
Held by The National Archives, Kew
Regarding one of the several expeditions against Scotland, and the royal demand for ships and materials from his ports in 1322 had requested two ships and two barges, item:
SC 8/6/284
[1321-1322]
Scope and content Petitioners: The burgesses of Ravenser Odd and Grimsby
Addressees: King and council
Places mentioned: Ravenserod (Ravenser Odd), [East Riding of Yorkshire]; Grimmesbi (Grimsby), [Lincolnshire]
Nature of request: The burgesses of Ravenser Odd and Grimsby state that they have been ordered by the king to provide two ships and two barges, at double capacity, for forty days, at their own cost, and that these are now ready. They request that they might be unloaded to go by land, because of the great danger which could come to these towns from the king's enemies who are on the seas.
Endorsement: It pleases the king that those who have been assigned to go by sea should go by sea, in as much strength as possible, as the good people promised the king. And as regards the rest, the king wishes them to do as the commonalty of the people does.
Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description
Held by The National Archives, Kew
Meanwhile, life and death continued at Odd with its usual pace; however one curiosity in this regard has survived, also at Kew:
SC 8/6/296
[1322]
Scope and content Petitioners: Executors of Piers atte See of Ravenser Odd
Addressees: King and council
Places mentioned: Ravenserodde (Ravenser Odd), [East Riding of Yorkshire]
Other people mentioned: Piers atte See of Ravenser Odd; Robert Romayn, formerly purchaser for the king
Nature of request: The executors of Piers atte See of Ravenser Odd request a remedy against Robert Romayn, formerly the king's purchaser, who in the twelfth year of the king's reign, took from Piers, as he lay dying, meat and fish to the value of ten marks, for the king's benefit. They have a tally made by Robert for this, but they have not been paid - preventing them from executing Piers' testament, contrary to the law of Holy Church and their own oath - even though Robert has received the money for this from the wardrobe.
Endorsement: They are to have a writ formulated for their petition, and returnable before the king.
Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description
Held by The National Archives, Kew.
And:
C 143/155/12
16 EDWARD II. [1322]
Scope and content John son of Peter atte See of Ravenserod and Alice his wife to retain lands in Hollym acquired from Ralph de Sancto Martino, Henry de Sancto Martino, and Stephen le Prioresneve. [York.] Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description
Held by The National Archives, Kew
By 1325/6, in the 19 th regnal year of the reign of king Edward II, the king had appointed Richard De La Pole and “magister” [master] John de Barton to collect prisages* and customs [revenue] in the ports of Hull and Ravenserod.
*Prisage: The share of merchandise taken as lawful prize at sea which belongs to the king or admiral.
The recorded names of the men to hold this honour are listed in Bloyle, p 37;
19 Edward II Richard De La Pole John de Barton
4 Edward III Adam de Coppendale Hugh de Taverner
5 Edward III Hugh de Taverner Henry de Barton
6 Edward III John de Barton Henry de Barton
“ “ “ Richard Fitz Dien John de Barton
[Rotulorum originalium in Curia Scaccari Abbreviatio, i., p. 291; ii., pp. 40, 54, 63, 66; as contained in Boyle, p. 37.]
The following year, 1327, another two ships were requested of Odd by the Crown, one of these was the cog named “Saint Mary” [for more on this vessel see below RGH]. Ten years after this, another named vessel appears in documents, that belonging to Robert Rottenherring, the “Radegunde” [see below]; and another three vessels can also be identified by name as originating from Odd, the “Eleyne of Ravenser” belonging to John Keeling; also the “Rose”, and the “Falcon”.
Ravenser Odd had its own windmill [or pump RGH], and its church, or chapel of St. Mary’s aforesaid, had in 1327 eight chaplains. The Chronicle of Meaux, ……, contains reference to this, as does a copy of the will of Alexander Cocks, transcribed into Hull’s first Bench Book, which states:
“In the name of God Amen.
“I Alexander Cokes of Ravenser Odd, make my will in this manner. First I grant my soul to God, the Blessed Mary and all the saints, and my body to be buried in the cemetery of the chapel of Ravenserodd. Item, I leave my best beast for mortuary [payment for forgotten tithes] and 6s 8d. [being one third of a pound RGH] to provide candles to burn around my body on my burial day. …….“
Upon turning to more personal bequests, the wealth of this man becomes more apparent, I needs must here resort of using the words of Barbara English, Nothing I can do will improve on her economy. And the picture this paints of the residents and the structure of the town and its commercial ties with Hull, are I think evidentially unsurpassed.
“To his son and heir, Peter, he devised all his property in Kingston upon Hull, and a plot in Ravenser Odd, with the buildings thereupon, lying between the property of Thomas Coas on one side and that of Geoffrey Champion on the other. To his son, Thomas he gave a plot in Ravenser Odd. With the buildings thereupon, lying between the property of Richard Doncaster on one side, and the common lane on the other. He also gave Thomas annual rents of 15s. from the property in which Laurence Lygeard was living, and of 4s 6d. from the property in which Gilbert Prest was living, in Ravenser odd; and a windmill in Hull, given to the testator by Walter De La Grane. To Alexander his son, he left the property in Ravenser Odd in which the testator was living, a plot with buildings opposite, and his messuage lying on the Humber which had been given to him by John son of Hugh Cocks. He also gave to Alexander two shops in ‘la Kirke lane’, and all his land in Out Newton. To his sister Emma he left an annual payment of 30s. from two shops at the bridge foot of Whitby, for her life. To his son Thomas, and his heirs, he gave the reversion of a yearly rent of 4s 6d. The residue of his effects he left to Alice his wife, appointing his sons Peter and Alexander, Stephen de Newton and Sir William Langedik, chaplain, as his executors.” It is interesting to note that the east coast merchant did not confine his operations to a single port, but had property in both Hull and Whitby also.
[The Yorkshire Coast, edited by David B. Lewis, Normandy Press, 1991, ISBN 0 9507665 3 4, Chpr. 10, pp. 149 – 155: Ravenser Odd, A Lost East Yorkshire Town, by Barbara English, Dept. of History, University of Hull, p. 152.]
Alexander Cock [Coke] first appears in the Hull records as owning a plot of land that ran between High Street to the east, and Market Place to the west, one plot south of Bishop Lane, the frontage on High Street of which was 28 feet, in the year 1293.
[Changing Plan of Hull, 1290 – 1630; Rosemary Horrox]
Attempts to prevent piracy on the North Sea, by several nations and individuals were another feature of maritime history at that time, as we have seen earlier. It was almost common practise for a ship’s captain, if he had no cargo, to turn his hand, and his ship to a little piracy, especially if the victim was a vessel of another nationality. This is evidenced by the following item:
SC 8/88/4373
1330
Scope and content Places mentioned: Hainault; Holland; Zealand; Friesland, [Netherlands]; London; Sandwich, [Kent]; Berwick-upon-Tweed, [Northumberland]; Norfolk; Suffolk; Ravenser Odd, [East Riding of Yorkshire]; Saltfleetby, [Lincolnshire]; Flanders; Salisbury, [Wiltshire].
Other people mentioned: [Edward III], King of England; William, Count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand and Lord of Friesland; Edward [II], King of England; Stephen Aleyn, citizen and merchant of London; the Mayor and community of London.
Nature of request: Letter from Edward III to William Count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, and Lord of Friesland, asking him to give Stephen Aleyn justice in the matter of restitution for his ship, goods and merchandise, stolen at sea by malefactors and pirates of the Count's dominion on the way to Berwick upon Tweed, dated 1 November 2 Edward III [1328], enclosed within a later letter to the same effect of 20 March 4 Edward III [1330].
Endorsement: [None: the writing on the dorse is a continuation of the letter.]
Access conditions Normal Closure before FOI Act: 30 years
Closure status Open Document, Open Description.
Held by The National Archives, Kew.
The Scottish dynastic Battle of Dupplin Muir between Edward Balliol, son of John Balliol, deposed King of Scotland and the earl of Mar, guardian of the realm during the minority of David II, the son of Robert the Bruce. Balliol was victorious and was able to declare himself King of Scotland, although he was only able to hold on to the throne for three months. The defeat of Bannockburn in 1314 rankled with Edward III and he encouraged a group of exiled Scottish nobles, (the so-called "Disinherited") led by Edward to invade Scotland using ships supplied by the English king. A landing was made at Kinghorn but they were confronted by a Scottish force led by Donald, the earl of Mar, Regent of Scotland during the minority of King David II. Balliol was successful; slew the earls of Mar, Menteith and Moray and 2,000 of the defenders. Balliol went on to claim the throne only to be overthrown later the same year by a new Regent, the earl of Moray. The aforesaid is the accepted version of events, however, as we have learnt, history is not set in concrete, and Boyle has the following to say on these matters:
“In 1332, a number of English lords and nobles who claimed large estates beyond the border, formed the design of restoring the crown of Scotland to Edward Bailiol, who from the time of his father’s death had lived in retirement at Quimper in France. He was induced to come to England, where a small army, consisting of, according to Holinshed, not more that 500 men at arms and about 2,000 archers, was gathered in his support. With this force, and assisted by lords Beaumont, Wake, Mowbray and others, Bailiol embarked at Ravenser in the summer of 1332.” Of interest to note that Boyle tells of disinherited English lords, while Scottish sources speak of their disinherited lords. The truth lies as always somewhere in the middle. Before Arbroath, the distinction between English and Scottish nobility was very fluid and uncertain, each held, or had held huge estates in each others ‘country’. One only has to see how many estates in Northern England were held by the de Brus (the Bruce) family to see why the ‘Borders’ were such a dynastic nightmare. Also noteworthy is the participation of Odd in this marshal tale, the place was becoming strategically and nationally important.
The following year brought forth yet another summons to furnish a ship for yet another expedition to Scotland. Boyle states that this document is so ‘singular and interesting’ that he translated it “in extenso” I can therefore do nothing less:
“The king to the bailiffs and true men of the town of Ravenserodd, greeting.
Whereas lately we commanded you that you should cause a ship of war in the port of the town aforesaid of the greater and stronger ships of the same town to be provided and prepared, and that ship to be furnished as well with capable strong men and well and sufficiently armed, as with other necessaries, which might be required; so that the ship so furnished with men and other necessaries, should be ready and prepared on Wednesday in Easter Week last part at the latest, then to depart thence at our charges to the parts of Scotland for our expedition of war thither. And you afterwards, in consideration of an abatement which we made to you one hobbler and six archers to which you had been accessed by the commissioners appointed by us for the array of men in the East Riding of the county of York, granted to us one ship of war, namely, the better (ship) of the same town, for the setting out of our expedition aforesaid, and we commanded William de Ferby of Ravenserodd that he should cause for the reason aforesaid, to come to the said port of Ravenserodd his ship called the Saynte Marie, a cogge of Ravenserodd which is reputed to be the better ship of the said town, and the same William now coming to us, has declared that his said ship was previously sent to foreign parts, and concerning its return he was altogether ignorant. We, therefore, strictly command and enjoin you that you cause the better ship of the town aforesaid, to be provided and prepared for war, and furnished with sailors and other capable and strong men, and well and sufficiently armed, and with other necessities, and to set out with all speed which can be made in our expedition aforesaid, at our charge, towards the parts of Scotland aforesaid. And this ye shall in no wise omit as ye regard us and our honour, and wish to save yourselves harmless.
Witnessed by the king at Durham, 11 th day of April [1333]. By the king himself.”
The virtually annual demand by the king for ships and men continued, with the same, or similar format employed each time, with only the specifics being altered. In the autumn of 1336 however, a different call to arms arrived, telling of the king of France having allied himself with David Brus (Bruce) of Scotland, who, together were threatening an invasion of England. Royal writs were issued therefore on the 3 rd October to the bailiffs of Ravenser and other places commanding that all defensible men in the liberty [borough RGH] without delay should be arrayed and prepared with arms, so that they, well arrayed and sufficiently furnished with competent arms, might be ready and prepared for the defence of the town aforesaid [Ravenser Odd RGH] and of the kingdom itself in those parts, in order to repel the malice of the king’s enemies, if they should presume in a hostile manner to approach that kingdom in those parts.
[Rotuli Scotiæ, i., p. 463; as contained in Boyle, p32.]
In the 11 th year of the reign of king Edward III [1337-8], a royal inquest was ordered into the circumstances surrounding the seizure of a ship at ‘Ravenessere’. Thos appointed to the inquiry were John de Molyns, Hugh de Berwyk, and William le Lount. Documents of the same year also tell of perhaps another, similar incident, in which the cargo and fittings of a Scottish ship at Odd, had been seized by some men of that place, and not apparently then sending it to the kings – much to his apparent ‘great injury’.[
[Poulson’s Holderness ii. P. 532]
On the 28 th July, 1338, a ‘Safe Conduct’ was issued by the king to the merchant, Robert Rottenherring, who was to load his vessel, the cog, Radegunde with victuals for the supply of the king’s men in Scotland:
“The king to all and singular, the admirals, bailiffs, ministers, and all other his faithful subjects, as well within his liberties as without, to whom, etc., greeting.
“Know ye that whereas our beloved Robert Rotenheryng proposes to load a certain ship, called the Radegunde ” of Ravensere, with various kinds of corn and other victuals in the port of Ravensere, and to carry them to the parts of Scotland, as far as the town of St. John of Perth, and our castles of Coupre * in Fyf, Stryvelyn ** and Edenburgh, to sell them there for the sustenance of our faithful subjects occupied in the defence of the town and castles aforesaid; we have taken under our protection and defence the same Robert, and his men and servants, and the mariners of the ship aforesaid, in going with the ship with the grain and victuals aforesaid, to the parts aforesaid, remaining there, and returning thence…..”
“ Radegunde, the name of Rottenherring’s vessel, the cog, which translates as: Radegund(e) is a personal name: St Radegund was a 6th-century Frankish queen (so, it's not a Norse word). E.G. Withycombe's excellent Oxford Dictionary of English Christian Names suggests that the name was uncommon as a personal name in the Middle Ages (for people, at least!), though there are several churches in England dedicated to St Radegund. [Dr. Matthew Townsend , MA Phd (Oxon), Senior Lecturer in English at the University of York.]
* Coupre, the old form of Cupar; the castle of the burgh town in NE Fife, it lies on the River Eden at the east end of the Howe of Fife 12 miles (19 km) west of St Andrews.
** The old form for Stirling.
Further ‘Safe Conducts’ were issued the same year, with a final one dated June 1339. This is the last record of Ravenser odd having any influence on Scottish affaires.
It seems from later evidence that the island of Odd, and the port that stood upon it were by 1339, for perhaps several reasons, not as attractive to merchants and captains as it had once been. Of these reasons, the silting up of the port has already been mentioned, and according to the Meteorological Office historical weather web site, there was a “Tidal flood on the Thames on the 22nd November (presumably due to wind-driven surge?)” in 1334. If such a phenomenon hit the Thames, then the same event likely hit the Humber also, and Odd perhaps even harder. It might be that this event precipitated the decline of Odd as a port. Those merchants rich enough and wise enough would have seen the future, and begun to remove their business interests to either Hull or Grimsby, as we have seen. Chronica Monasterii de Melsa for the dates between 1339 and 1349 describes the situation: “At that time the chapel of Ravenserre, dependent on the said church of Esyngton, recently appropriated to us [the abbey of Meaux RGH], and the greater part of the buildings of the whole town of Ravenserre, by the inundations of the waters of the sea and of the Humber, increasing more than usual, were almost completely thrown down. For which cause some inhabitants and dwellers in that town have removed to other places, leaving the said town in a measure desolate; so that the profits, tithes and offerings, which used to pertain to the said chapel, and in which the greatest part of the profits of the said church of Esyngton used to consist, on account of the absence of people, are to a large extent not forthcoming.
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