THE BEGINNING

The earliest record of Ravenser Odd come from the Hundred Rolls, in an inquisition taken in the third and fourth years of the rein of Edward I, 1274-1276, when the people of Grimsby said:
“that forty years ago and more [that is about or just before 1235] by the casting up of the sea, sand and stones accumulated, on which accumulation William de Fortibus, then earl of Albermarl, began to build a certain town which is called Ravenserodd; and it is an island: the sea surrounds it.”
[Rotuli Hundredorum, i., pp. 292, 402] Local tradition of there having been some sort of Viking port or small settlement there some 200 years previously could have not only provided the inspiration for building another port, but also for providing its name.

The proximity of Odd to the original Ravenser is evidenced by the Chronica Monasterii de Melsa, ii., p. 80, which says “that the town of Odd, which was situated near Ravenserre, was commonly called Ravenserre, as well as the other” [place]. This also identifies the confusion between the two locations that has plagued historians and geographers alike ever since. The same source however, at a later stage, does attempt to correct this confusion.

“That the distinction between the two towns may be known [it may be mentioned that] the former Ravenserre, where nothing now remains except a single manor house with its appurtenances, and which is inland, and distant both from the sea and the Humber, is called Ald Ravenserre, and this by the people of to-day, although the other town is altogether consumed.” Ibid, ii., p. 30. “But that town of Ravenserre odd, at one time commonly called ‘Odd near Ravenserre’, and afterwards [simply] Ravenserre, occupying a position in the utmost limits of Holderness, between the waters of the sea and those of the Humber, was distant from the mainland (a firma terra) a space of one mile and more. For access to which from ancient time from Ald Ravenserre a sandy road extended, covered with round yellow stones, thrown up in a little time by the height of the floods, having a breadth which an archer can scarcely shoot across [some 220 yards RGH], and wonderfully maintained by the tides of the sea on its east side, and the ebb and flow of the Humber on its west side. Which roard yet remains visible both to pedestrian and equestrian travellers; but in its furthest part, for the space of half a mile, has been washed into the Humber since those days by the tides of the sea. Of the site therefore of the said town of Ravenserre Odd scarcely a vestige remains. Which town, belonging to the parish of the church of Esyngton, was distant from the town of Esyngton about four miles. Between which towns of Esyngton and Odd, the town of Kylnse and the town of Sunthorpe and the manor of Ald Ravenserre in the parish of the church of Kylnse are known to lie mid-way.” [Ibid, ii., p. 29.]

If this measurement of four miles from Easington is near correct, then in one respect, Boyle has it wrong, for in his plan, he places Odd on an island within the spit, but not on it. A quick check on a current Ordnance Survey Land Ranger map clearly points to the site being on the end of the spit, four miles is the distance between Easington church and the lighthouse at Spurn Point! This I find to be very disconcerting. If the measured four miles WAS correct, then it would indicate that the current Spurn Point is the site of previous such Points, and if that is correct, then the idea that Spurn is constantly moving westwards is WRONG! This indicates that it is static in its location, but might from time to time be eroded away, only to rebuild its self some years later.

The apocryphal story of the foundation of Odd says that it was in the early 1230’s, when a ship was wrecked on the Point, a survivor from which, by the name of ‘Peggotty’ some say, others name him as Peter Atte-See, [a nom de plume for ‘Peter at/by the Sea’ even ‘De la Mare’, perhaps] converted the ship’s timbers into a dwelling for himself. The dwelling soon became a tavern cum chandlers for passing merchantmen, and their passing trade quickly attracted a few stout hearted fisher-folk to remove there and build their own dwellings, from which humble beginning was formed the fishing port of Ravenser Odd. In those times, herring were vastly abundant, easy to take, and readily stored by means of smoking, pickling or salting. HOWEVER, no contemporary recorded documentary evidence supports the conjecture of there having been a cast-away whose entrepreneurial spirit founded the town and port, however romantic and appealing it seems. It can I think be said with safety that the origin of the legend began about 1290 with report from the king’s commissioners regarding a grievance against Ravenser Odd by the merchants of Grimsby [later to be included herein in full], in which it states: “Asked during what period had men lived at Ravenserod, they say that forty years ago a certain ship was cast away on Ravenserod, where there was no house then built, which ship a certain person appropriated to himself, and from it made for himself a cabin (scala sive casa) which he inhabited for some time, that there he received ships and merchants and sold them meat and drink, and afterwards began to dwell there;”
[Boyle, p. 16.]

On the other hand, that the place became a haven for fishermen is confirmed by the Chonica Monasterii de Melsa, ii., p. 29, which says “Stephen de Thorpe, knight, gave unto us a yearly rent of one mark out of a carucates of land in Ravenserre, which Alan Barell and his sons held in villanage. And the third William de Fortibus, earl of Albemarl, gave us a place with appurtenances, containing half an acre of land in the borough of Odd near Ravenserre; that there we might be able, as we wished, to construct for ourselves buildings suitable for our store both of herrings and other kinds of fish, in order to provide, as often as and whenever we wished, fish and other necessaries for our own use.” This transaction Boyle dates to between 1241 and 1249.

On the 22 nd of February 1250-1, King Henry III granted to William de Fortibus a charter giving him the right to free-warren in the lands of the lordship of Pocklington, and for Ravenser Odd to hold a weekly market and also a yearly fair of sixteen days. The latter section of the charter says:
“We have granted also to the said earl that he and his heirs for ever may have a market in each week on Thursday at his manor of Ravenserot in the county of York, and that they may have there a fair in each year continuing from the vigil of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary [8 th September] for fifteen days next following; except that market and fair shall be to the injury of neighbouring markets and fairs.
“Wherefore we will etc. Witnesses, R. de Clar’ earl of Gloucester and Hertford, H. de Boun’ earl of Essex and Hereford, William de Valance his brother, John Maunsell provost of Beverley, Ralph son of Nicholas, Peter Pievr’, Robert Waleran, Stephen Bauthan, Roger de Lokinton, William Gernun, John de geres and others. Given by our hand at Westminster the 22nsd day of February. ”
[Rotuli Chartarum, anno 35 Hen. III., m. 12.]

William de Fortibus laid claim to the land as soon as he was able, sometime in the 1240’s Odd was described as a ‘borough’, which is to say, a town with a mayor, burgesses, a court of its own, and various privileges such as being able to inherit, lease and sell their houses.* This was not the case however, as a Royal Charter is required for such a change in status, not just the pretensions of an arrogant land lord.
[*The Yorkshire Coast, English, Normandy Press, 1991, p150.]
One source claims that a reason for the Lord of Holderness taking such an interest, and making a new town at Odd was because the 13 th century was a time of new town building. This cannot be denied, however in the case of Odd, it could be argued that nature its self dictated the foundation of a port at that particular location. As can be seen from the various charts and maps, as far as sea trade was concerned, a port at Odd was for the mariners of the 13 th and 14 th centuries nothing short of marvellous. It shortened their travels by the distance there and back from the Humber mouth to Hull, a distance of some 45 miles, which in navigational terms of those times, could have meant a day’s sailing time at least. Then as now, time was money, and merchants and traders were not blind to the opportunities that a port so close to the very mouth of the Humber estuary presented, that they took full advantage of its location very readily. Even so, the Count’s interest was nothing but financial, the more people he could encourage to make their homes there, the more would have to pay taxes to him.

The Chronicle of Meaux or Chronica Monasterii de Melsa between the years 1270 and 1280, tells us: “In those days a composition was made between the abbot of Albermarl and Sir Roger Marmyoun, rector of the church of Esyngton, in reference to the chapels of Skeftlynge and Ravenserodd, by the intervention of Sit Walter Gyiffard, the archbishop [of York]; so that the chapel of Skeftlynge should remain in the hands of the said abbot, and the chapel of Ravensere Odd should be for ever incorporated with the said church of Esyngton, and that that church of Esyngton should for ever pay to the aforesaid abbot of Albermarl, in lieu of certain tithes, 23 shillings yearly.”
[Chronica Monasterii de Melsa, ii., p. 153; contained in Bloyle, p. 43.]

There were at that time other places trying to become established ports along the Humber Predominantly among them were Hull, then known as Wyke upon Myton until 1299 when it became King’s Town upon Hull, Hedon, both on the northern shore of the Humber, and Grimsby on the southern. The sudden appearance of Odd came as a shock to those places, not least Grimsby. A commission dated 1290 says:
“the island is nearer the sea than the town of Grimsby. And because ships can more easily harbour there than at Grimsby, almost all ships stay, discharge and sell there. Some men (their names are Walter son of Ralph Selby, William Brown, Peter of the Sea and Hugh of Cotes, together with others unknown), go out with their little boats to ships in the Humber and in the sea, that are laden with various goods, and bring the merchants and sailors to harbour in Ravenser [Odd].”
[Ibid, p. 151]

The ships referred to would in most cases have been those clinker built vessels called cogs. There were stout vessels of the time, capable of sailing across the unreliable waters of the North Sea from Scandinavia, Germany and the Hanseatic League, the Low Countries and beyond. They were the descendants of the Norse Long Ships with high pointing prows and stern posts, both of which features were capable of having added to them timber castles, mini-fortresses no less for their defence, or yet for the occasional foray into piracy. I have been able to discover but a single adequately suitable illustration of such a cog from ‘Dragon Models USA, Inc.’, from where I have unashamedly borrowed this image, which I have altered slightly to display the arms of the De la Pole family, who were traders and merchants at Odd in its heyday, of which more later. The original artwork can be viewed at: http://www.dragonmodelsusa.com/dmlusa/prodd.asp?pid=ZVE9018 my sincere thanks to Dragon Models.

.

Returning to the grievance Grimsby had for the men of Odd, in the Hundred Rolls compiled in the reign of Edward I, they declared:
“that the men of the said town of Ravenserodd go out with their boats (batelli) into the high sea, where there are ships carrying merchandise, and intending to come to Grimsby with their merchandise. The said men hinder those ships [from coming to Grimsby], and lead them to Ravens[er] by force when they cannot amicably persuade them to go thither.”
[Rotuli Hundredorum, i., p. 292.]

The said men of Odd had this to say in the same survey:
“They say that Isabella, countess of Albermarl [widow by then of William de Fortibus**], by Robert Hildyard her bailiff takes toll at Od; namely, of the nets of all ships brought to land for the purposes of being dried, 4d [4 pence]. And the men of Od distain for their debts as in a borough. And the said countess makes there a port, and causes it to be rebuilt, whereby the king’s ports of Grimesby, Scardeburg and Hedon, are greatly injured. And there she holds a court as in a borough. They know not by what warrant.”
[Ibid., i., p. 107.]

**William de Forz [Fortibus RGH], Count of Aumale1 (M)
Died, 29 March 1241, #5494
Pedigree
William de Forz, Count of Aumale was the son of William de Forz and Hawise, Countess of Aumale.1 He married Aveline de Montfichet, daughter of Richard de Montfichet and Milicent, after 1214.1 He died on 29 March 1241 at the Mediterranean.1
He was one of 25 conservators of Magna Carta.1 He gained the title of Lord of Holderness on 11 March 1213/14.1 He was styled as Count of Aumale on 11 March 1213/14.1
Child of William de Forz, Count of Aumale and Aveline de Montfichet: William de Forz, Count of Aumale+ b. b 1221, d. 23 May 1260
Citations: [S6] G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday, Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden, editors, The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6 volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume I, page 355. Hereinafter cited as The Complete Peerage

Several sources suggest a date for the separation of Odd from the mainland, and the washing away of the natural causeway that had connected them. This date is quoted as 1256. However, although the 13tch century was, climactically, one of considerable disturbance, the information provided by http://homepage.ntlworld.com/booty.weather/climate/wxevents.htm [Meteorological Office, Bracknell, Berkshire] Indicates that a single meteorological disturbance strong enough to cause such a breach did not occur in that year.
“Irregular descent into "Little Ice Age", but with fine, warm, anticyclonic periods through mid to latter 13th & early 14th century * for England, temperature peak may have been during the period either side of AD1280 * northern & western areas deterioration * glacier advance: implies world-wide cooling * marked increase in climate variability latter decades of the 1200's to early-1300's * what constitutes 'severe' events following this increase in variability is open to interpretation, but includes: cold winters, heavy snowstorms, coastal inundations, notable wet / flooding events, droughts & hot summers * decline upland / Highland Scotland climate * notable increase / maximum in North Sea / English Channel flooding events 13th century: evidence of increase in volcanic activity * Spörer (sunspot) minimum from ~1460 (until ~1550).”
For the year 1256 through to 1258, it has this to say “Three wet years .... extensive flooding, which led to harvest failures & high grain prices: shortage & starvation /distress for poor people.” The Chronicle of London, for the year 1256 makes no mention of there being anything untoward weather-wise, compared with the year 1228, then it has this to say :
“In this same yere [1228], that ys to say vpon Seynt Lukys Day, ther blew a grete Wynde out of the North Est, that ouerthrewe many an house and also Turrettes and chirches, and fferde ffoule with the woddes and Mennys Orcherdes. And also fyrye Dragons and Wykked Spyrites ween many seyn, merveyllously ffeyinge in the eyre.”
[Julius BII, Chronicle of London. Reprint edition, Allan Sutton, 1977, p. 3]

The related event is highly reminiscent of those of the October Storm in 1987, but the direction from whence it came was radically different. Provided there is some accuracy in the given wind direction of north-east, then this event might well be responsible for the actual formation of both the causeway and island later to be Ravenser Odd. The direction indicated that the mouth of the Humber was in direct path of the weather system. Curiously, the same Met. Office web site above, makes no mention of this evidently very severe event. What this goes to prove more than perhaps anything else is that as with the weather its self, history too can at times be very unreliable. One can only wonder at the fire dragons and wicked spirits seen marvellously flying in the air!

The date of the charter, grant, or first recorded mention of the market and the date of inception of fair is 22 nd February 1251. In 1260 a list was made cataloguing the entire estate of William Fortibus, Earl of Aumarle, which provides us with an idea of the vastness of his estates:
REFERENCE
DX/129/1
DATES 1260 - 1271
DESCRIPTION
Photocopy. Extant [sic] of estates of William de Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle (for
valuation of dower of the Countess?): - - Burstwick, Bond Burstwick,
Ridgemont, Skeckling, Lambwath, Hedon, Paull Fleet, Paull Ferry, Wawne,
Little Humber, Keyingham, Skeffling, Kilnsea, Easington, Ravenser Odd,
Withernsea, Owthorne, Cleeton, Skipsea, Killing (Nunkeeling), Pocklington,
Dimlington, Preston, Langbrigg, Wawne, Sutton, Appletreewick, Craven,
Skipton, Cockermouth, Copeland, Whinfell, Derwent Fells, Brockton Parva,
Brockton Magna, Crosseby, Papcastle, Allerdale - - : [1260]
Also: - - Note of dower of the Countess in Cleeton, Withernsea, Ridgemont,
Skipsea, Burstwick, Bond Burstwick, Preston, Lelley Dike, Little Humber,
Lambwath, Wawne, Paull Fleet, Skeckling, Easington, Kilnsea, Ravenser Odd - -
: [post 1260]

In about the year 1278, was born at Ravenser Odd, a boy called William De La Pole, of a merchant family, he would marry in his time, Elena Rottenherring, also of an Odd merchant family in the year 1287. A young age perhaps by today’s standards, but arranged betrothals between children of families wanting to cement ties of some kind, in this case mercantile, were commonplace. It was considered however; scandalous should the matter be consummated before both parties had passed their 12 th birthdays! The De La Pole family, as will later be described went on in time to the very highest positions in the kingdom, even to the point of being named heir to the very throne of England. Elena however, gave birth to William De La Pole in 1302, and to his brother John, in 1304. Here therefore we have two of the most powerful merchant families of the Humber joined by marriage to each other, forming an extremely powerful cartel in the region. For the De La Pole’s, their aptitude for making advantageous marriages bordered on the uncanny, rising as said from humble beginnings to become the heir of King Richard III [after his own son and wife died]; earls of Lincoln and Dukes of Suffolk in but 8 or 9 generations was short of astonishing.

In the year 1286, grant of assize was made to the merchants of Ravenser Odd for the exclusive right of selling bread and beer in the town, of which the following is said to be a faithful translation.
[Boyle, p. 13.]
“The king to all to whom, etc. saluting. Because we learn by an inquisition which we have caused to be made by our beloved and faithful Thomas de N. our escheator beyond the Trent, that our people the merchants of Ravenserod are well and sufficiently able to supply in every period of the year to all and everyone resorting to that town, good bread and good beer, according to our assize therein provided, and this they are ready to do, and in nothing to fail; and that strangers, not residing in the aforesaid town of Ravenserod, influenced by cupidity, bring bread and beer in ships to be sold there, to the injury of those our people and merchants, and the great deterioration of their estate and that of the town aforesaid, and against the usage of towns so situated on the sea: We wishing to provide for the indemnity of our people and merchants in this matter, grant to them, that no stranger shall presume to sell bread or beer in the port or in the sea near the aforesaid town of Ravenserod against the will of the people our merchants aforesaid; and therefore we command you that, so far as in you lies, you do not permit anything to be done against the will of the people and merchants aforesaid. Teste Rege.*
[* Thompson’s Ocellum Promontorum, p. 138; from Hargrave’s Law Tracts, i., p. 79: Boyle, pp., 13-4.]

This grant of assize then was meant to protect the people and merchants of Odd from outside traders bringing to the town and vicinity of the town cargoes of bread and beer that were then sold to the detriment of the town’s people and its merchants. Meanwhile however, the strife between Odd and Grimsby continued to the point when on the 1 st of August 1290, the king ordered an inquisition into the situation. It was held a month later at Grimsby, and as Boyle says, both documents are not only very interesting, they have, in his time, never before been printed, so here there are, once more, the complete and unabridged translations as contained in Boyle, pp., 14-16. I make no apology for including them in full here also. They might seem long and drawn out, but they are what they are, historical documents that by their very existence provide more actual evidence about this time in the history of Odd than any other source can possibly do. I would rather provide them in their entirety for others to glean from them what they would, than to presume, and précis them to my own requirements, which would be a much easier exercise believe me!
“Edward, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, to his beloved and faithful Gilbert de Thorneton and Robert de Schaddewrth, saluting. Because we learn from the grave complaint of the mayor and our burgesses of Grymesby that whereas ships with wines, fishes, herrings and other merchandise from various foreign and home parts have been accustomed to harbour in the port of that town and not elsewhere in those parts, and to sell those goods and merchandise there, and to pay the customs thence arising in part payment of the farm of that our town by the hand of our bailiffs there, the bailiffs and men of Isabella de Fortibus, countess of Albemarl, of the town of Ravenserod, which she has caused to be built anew in a certain island within the sea distant ten or twelve leagues (leucae) from the aforesaid town of Grymesby, have arrested for a long time with a strong hand in the sea the ships with the goods contained in them, which in this way have been accustomed so to harbour in our port aforesaid, and with threatening and force have compelled, and from day to day do compel them to turn aside to the aforesaid new town and the remain there, and there to sell their merchandise, so that these our men, by such compulsion and subtraction, are so impoverished that they are not able to pay us the debt due to us for the farm of the aforesaid town, unless such ships may be able to harbour at out port aforesaid without hindrance of the said men of Ravenserod, as they were before that town was founded. And they have been accustomed to hold a certain market, which the said countess causes to be proclaimed and held there without warrant. We, being unwilling any longer to sustain such unprepared injury so done to us or our men aforesaid, but desiring to aid our men if they have been so oppressed with injustice, appoint you to inquire, by the oath was well of knights as of other upright and loyal men of the county of Lincoln, by whom the truth of this matter may be better known, concerning the hindrances and forestalling of ships aforesaid, whether these things have been done to our injury or that of our men, or the depression of our town of Grymesby aforesaid, and by whom, or by whose order [these things have been done], and at what time, and by what warrant, the aforesaid market has been proclaimed and held, and to what amount our aforesaid town of Grymesby, by the aforesaid cause, has been deteriorated . . . also the full truth concerning all other circumstances done there, with the contingencies of every kind. And therefore we command you that on a certain day which shall be appointed for this purpose, you shall go to the aforesaid town of Grymesby, and make inquisition there, and the same . . . shall cause to come before you at Grymesby all and such as well as knights and other upright and loyal men . . . by whom the truth of the matter in the premises may be better known and enquired. In testimony of which these letters . . . we have made patents. Witnessed by me at Leghton, the first day of August in the 18 th year of our reign.”

No less than five weeks later the king’s commissioners had completed their inquiry, and reported back in writing:
“Inquisition taken at Grumsby on the Sabbath day next after the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary [8 th September] in the 18 th year of the reign of king Edward, before Gilbert de Thornton and Robert de Schadwrd, appointed by the king’s writ to inquire concerning the hindrances and forestallings of ships, which have been laden with various merchandise, and which have been accustomed to come and harbour at Grumsby, done by the men of Rawenserod, and concerning other grievances and injuries to the men of Grumsby by the men of Rawenserod, by which the aforesaid town of Grumsby has been much deteriorated; by the jurors undernamed, namely, Robert de Rochewell, Sayer Scawin, John de Hanley, Robert de Thoresby, Robert de Abingdon, Richard de Newhous, Robert Maundewile, William de St. Paul de Leysebey, Ralph Malet de Irby, Hugh de Brakenberg, John son of Roger de Stalingberg, and Benedict de Leysebey, priest, who say on their oath that in the time of King Henry, father of the present king, at first by the casting up of the sea, a certain small island was born, which is called Rawenserod, which is distant from the town of Grumsby by the space of one tide. And at first fishermen dried their nets there, and a few men begun to dwell and remain there, and afterwards ships laden with various merchandise begun to discharge and sell their merchandise there. And more than this, that the aforesaid island is nearer the sea than the town of Grumsby. And because ships can more easily harbour there than at Grumsby, almost all ships stay, discharge and sell there. They say also that Walter son of Ralph de Seleby, William Brune, Peter de Mari and Hugh de Cotes, together with certain other unknown persons of the island of Rawenserod, according to their custom, go out with their little boats to ships in the Humber and in the sea laden with various merchandise, and conduct the merchants and sailors to harbour at Rawenser, saying that the burgesses of Grumsby, after accustomed manner, cheapen the price of things sold there. And they [i.e., the men of Ravenserod] say that a last of herrings is worth but twenty shillings at Grumsby, where [in reality] it is worth forty shillings [a ‘last’ of herrings was a unit of quantity varying between 13,200 fish by Saxon measurement, and 10,000 fish as decided by Parliament in1644. RGH]. So that by words, offers and bids they detain them so long a time that they cannot come to the chosen port of Grumsby, so that by such forestalling the town of Grumsby, in every year after the coronation of the present king [1272. RGH], has been impoverished to the amount of 100 marks. They say, moreover, that the men of the aforesaid town of Grumsby are not able to pay their farm rent unless [ships] passing Rawenser may harbour at Grumsby without hindrance at Rawenser:- so that the aforesaid town is partly abandoned. Asked during what period had men lived at Raenserod, they say that forty years ago a certain ship was cast away on Rawenserod, where there was no house then built, which ship a certain person appropriated to himself, and from it made for himself a cabin (scala sive casa) which he inhabited for some time, that there he received ships and merchants and sold them meat and drink, and afterwards others begun to dwell there; and they say that about 30 years ago there were no more than four houses (mansiones) there. They say also that before the last four years the men of Grumsby who bought herrings and other merchandise from fishermen and others coming with their ships to Grumsby, did not at once pay the price, but reckoned wrongly with the aforesaid merchants, and cheapened that price, and made the merchants stay there until they were satisfied; and this is another reason why ships do not harbour at Grumsby, as they were accustomed to do. And on account of this fact the town is deteriorated to the amount of 40 pounds. But they say truly that now they faithfully pay those merchants the price agreed between them, and cheapen nothing thereof, so that all merchants coming thither with their merchandise are satisfied within three tides. And they say that Isabella de Fortibus, countess of Albermarl, is lady of the aforesaid island, and takes the profits thereof. and that the men dwelling there, every day, at their own free will, buy and sell fish and herrings and other victuals and other merchandise, nor is there any fixed day to hold a market there. They say, moreover, that the men of Rawenserod take toll, after the manner of a borough, of ships and other merchandise coming thither, as well as those of Grumsby as of other places, namely, of every ship[ with a rudder laden with herrings, for each last of herrings contained in a ship, 4d., and of every boat (batellus) for each last of herrings, 1d. And of other ships and boats laden with any other kind of merchandise . . . toll . . . they know not how much. In witness whereof the jurors of this inquisition have affixed their seal.”
[Chancery Inquisition, 18 Edward I., no. 145, as contained in Boyle, pp. 16-17]

The above is in effect an admission by the men of Grimsby that they had contributed largely to their own downfall by their deceitful and fraudulent treatment of those outside merchants that had harboured their ships there. But the claimed that this was a practise done four years previous, and that since then, they had amended their behaviour and trading methods, all to no avail, however, the judgement went in favour of Ravenser Odd, and Grimsby was fined. Simply, all Grimsby could now challenge Odd with was that by their forestalling ships and preventing them harbouring at Grimsby, the men of Odd were in effect in breach of the King’s Peace. The resulting record made at the Court of the King’s Bench, of which this is a translation tells the story in its own legalese. It is of primary interest I suspect for the number of names it contains of the men of Odd at that time against which the mayor of Grimsby was bringing forth his action and writ. [not, as some have suggested, a list of Odd men falsely arrested by the mayor of Grimsby! RGH]:
“Walter, son of Ralph de Seleby, William Brun, Peter de la mer, Hugh de Paul, Roger Fhys, Derman son of Walter, Priest John de Drax, John de Bradele, William Whyt, John Acard, William de Araz, Henry del Ward, Richard Gril, Richard le Serjeant, Hugh Keling, Walter de Cathone, Peter le Whyte, Hugh Eren, Simon Atte Se, Walter Pyngel, Richard Shail, Robert de Cotes, Richard le Taverner steward of Beverley, Thomas Chusur, John de Crull, Alan de Skardeburgh, Gilbert Trewe, Alexander Cok, Hugh Knote, Stephen de Patrington, Thomas Chaumpeneys, Roger le Bucher, , William de Hill, William Rose, John Rose and Walter Atte Chirche were attached [to the writ RGH], to respond to the pleading of the mayor and commonalty of Grymesby, for what reasons they had violently arrested, by various forces, various merchants, as well foreign as native, both in the sea and in the water of the Humber, with their ships and boats laden with wines, fish and various other merchandise, directing their course towards the aforesaid town of Grymesby, and wishing to harbour in that port, in order to deal there with the merchandise aforesaid, and had compelled them to go to the town of Ravensrod and there to harbour, to remain and to sell their aforesaid merchandise, and in this way have forestalled against the usage at this day practised in the king’s dominion, and to the same extent by the mayor and commonalty aforesaid. And other irregular things, etc., to the no little injury of that mayor and commonalty, and their manifest impoverishment, and against the peace, etc. and it was inquired whence it was that when certain merchants, with their ships and boats laden with the merchandise aforesaid, namely Lambert Wolf, William son of John de Flyeneye, and John son of Brun, and various other merchants, directing their course towards the said town of Grymesby, and wishing to harbour there, to deal with the merchandise aforesaid, the aforesaid Walter and others, on the Monday next before the fest of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary [8 th September], in the first year of the reign of our present king [1273], arrested the aforesaid Lambert and others and compelled them to go to the town of Ravensrod, and to harbour and sell their merchandise there, and in this way have forestalled against the usage of the king’s dominion, at this day observed by the same mayor and commonalty, whence they say that they have been deteriorated and have had injury done them to the amount of five thousand pounds, and herein they produce their suit, etc.
“And the aforesaid Walter and others, by Robert de cave their attorney come to defend, etc. And they say they ought not to respond to this writ, because they say that in the aforesaid writ, or in the narration of the aforesaid commonalty, there is not contained any fact which is done to the aforesaid commonalty of Grymesby against the peace of the king, not even by the forestalling of the aforesaid commonalty, and the impoverishment of the aforesaid town of Grymesby; whence they pray judgement on the aforesaid writ, etc.
“And the aforesaid mayor and commonalty of Grymesby, by William de Hauden their attorney, say that the aforesaid writ, and also their narration, testify sufficiently to the transgression against the peace of the king done to them, whence they pray judgment, etc. And because it is stated in the writ that something in this way had been done against the peace of the king, and in the narration it is not stated that any injury was done to the aforesaid commonalty of Grymesby, except in this that they of Ravensere had forestalled the men of Grymesby by buying merchandise from merchants willing to harbour at the port of Grymesby, and in this way the narration extends only to forestalling and the impoverishment of the town of Grymesby, and not to a trespass done to the aforesaid commonalty of Grymesby against the king’s peace, it is apparent that the aforesaid mayor and commonalty of Grymesby gain nothing by their writ, but are at the king’s mercy for a false claim. And the aforesaid Walter son of Ralph…..” [My emphasis, RGH]

The final result of all legal claims made by Grimsby ending in total failure on their behalf led to the blossoming of Ravenser Odd over the next few decades. In about 1295, the Pipe Rolls mention that 58 sacks and ten stones of ‘Scotch’ wool, forfeited to the king at Ravenser Odd, were subsequently sent to Hull, the King’s own port in the area**. The following year was made the first recorded ‘grant of quayage’ to the town of Ravenser, from 1296 until 1335-6, the same grants were made out to ‘Ravenserode’
[Calendrum Rotulorum Patentium, pp. 58, 62, 65, 74, 99, 107, 123, 139, 147, 154., as contained in Boyle, p. 18.]
** Wool weight
14 pounds = 1 stone (as we know by now - note : 1/2 stone was a clove )
2 stones = 1 tod (28 lbs) (called "quarter" elsewhere)
6.5 tods = 1 wey (182 lbs) (Wey is also a measure of capacity !)
2 weys = 1 sack (= 364 lbs - for wool only - the value varies for coal, cotton, salt, ...)
12 sacks = 1 last (= 4368 lbs for wool - same remark)
the pack was also used (= 240 lbs)
[ http://users.aol.com/jackproot/met/spvolas.html ]

The fortunes of Odd it seems were by this time assured, to the extent that by the Christmas season of 1298, when king Edward I was staying with Lord Wake at his fortified manorial house, Baynard Castle in Cottingham, a few miles north of Hull, they sent there a representative to petition for Odd to be made a Free Borough. As part of the petition, it was asked that the town might have a warden appointed by the king, their own coroner (important for the town for decisions concerning wrecks in particular), their own prison and gallows, and, a fair, to be held from Candlemas for thirty days each year, and two markets per week on a Tuesday and Saturday. For all these privileges they offered the king no less than £300. It is of interest to note that at this exact same time, Hull too was making a very similar petition, for which they offered the king only £66.
[The Yorkshire Coast, English, Normandy Press, 1991, p151]

Both petitions were referred to the Lord Treasurer and the Barons of the Exchequer, and after due consideration and investigation, both were granted, in the case of Odd, on the 1 st of April 1299. Boyle contains a full translation of this charter, which here has been presented in table form so that all salient points can be more easily identified:

[The charter then proceeds to confirm each and every item in almost identical language, un-necessary to repeat here, but then concludes.]

These are witnesses: The venerable father W. bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, Henry de Lacy earl of Lincoln, Henry de Percy, John Tregoz, Walter de Bello Campo steward of out household, Roger Brabazon, John de Metingham, Peter Mallore, Walter de Gloucester and others, Given by our hand at Westminster, the first day of April, in the twenty-seventh year of our reign [1299].”

[Charter of Inspeximus, Charter Roll, 5 Ed. II., m. 8; as contained in Boyle, pp. 20 – 22.]

** "infangthef and outfangthef"
Infangthef was the right of a court to try thieves caught within the region of its jurisdiction, notably those caught red-handed (and, since the punishment was hanging, in effect the right to a gallows). Outfangthef, on the other hand, was the right to pursue thieves beyond the region of jurisdiction, and was a liberty accorded to few boroughs.
[http://the-orb.net/encyclop/culture/towns/florilegium/government/gvcons07.html]
Pontage: duty or tax payable for bridge repairs
Pavage: duty or tax payable on paved streets
Murage: duty or tax payable for building and/or repairing the walls of a fortified town.
Geld and scot: Money; tribute; compensation. This word is obsolete in English,but it occurs in old laws and law books in composition; as in Danegeld, or Danegelt, a tax imposed by the Danes; Weregeld, compensation for the life of a man, &tc.

Thus did Odd become a self governing borough under the ever watchful presence of a king’s warden, and it was from this point in time that Odd seriously began to thrive.

Designed by Richard Hayton 2006
email richard@yorkshirehistory.com